The reaction among Democrats to Donald Trump’s return to power has been significantly more subdued than what we saw in 2016 after the mogul’s first shocking electoral win. The old-school “resistance” is dead, and it’s not clear what will replace it. But Democratic elected officials are developing new strategies for dealing with the new realities in Washington. Here are five distinct approaches that have emerged, even before Trump’s second administration has begun.
Some Democrats are so thoroughly impressed by the current power of the MAGA movement they are choosing to surrender to it in significant respects. The prime example is Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, the onetime fiery populist politician who is now becoming conspicuous in his desire to admit his party’s weaknesses and snuggle up to the new regime. The freshman and one-time ally of Bernie Sanders has been drifting away from the left wing of his party for a good while, particularly via his vocally unconditional backing for Israel during its war in Gaza. But now he’s making news regularly for taking steps in Trump’s direction.
Quite a few Democrats publicly expressed dismay over Joe Biden’s pardon of his son Hunter, but Fetterman distinguished himself by calling for a corresponding pardon for Trump over his hush-money conviction in New York. Similarly, many Democrats have discussed ways to reach out to the voters they have lost to Trump. Fetterman’s approach was to join Trump’s Truth Social platform, which is a fever swamp for the president-elect’s most passionate supporters. Various Democrats are cautiously circling Elon Musk, Trump’s new best friend and potential slayer of the civil-service system and the New Deal–Great Society legacy of federal programs. But Fetterman seems to want to become Musk’s buddy, too, exchanging compliments with him in a sort of weird courtship. Fetterman has also gone out of his way to exhibit openness to support for Trump’s controversial Cabinet nominees even as nearly every other Senate Democrat takes the tack of forcing Republicans to take a stand on people like Pete Hegseth before weighing in themselves.
It’s probably germane to Fetterman’s conduct that he will be up for reelection in 2028, a presidential-election year in a state Trump carried on November 5. Or maybe he’s just burnishing his credentials as the maverick who blew up the Senate dress code.
Other Democrats are being much more selectively friendly to Trump, searching for “common ground” on issues where they believe he will be cross-pressured by his wealthy backers and more conventional Republicans. Like Fetterman, these Democrats — including Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren — tend to come from the progressive wing of the party and have longed chafed at the centrist economic policies advanced by Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and, to some extent, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. They’ve talked about strategically encouraging Trump’s “populist” impulses on such issues as credit-card interest and big-tech regulation, partly as a matter of forcing the new president and his congressional allies to put up or shut up.
So the idea is to push off a discredited Democratic Establishment, at least on economic issues, and either accomplish things for working-class voters in alliance with Trump or prove the hollowness of his “populism.”
Colorado governor Jared Solis has offered a similar strategy of selective cooperation by praising the potential agenda of Trump HHS secretary nominee, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., as helpfully “shaking up” the medical and scientific Establishment.
At the other end of the spectrum, some centrist Democrats are pushing off what they perceive as a discredited progressive ascendancy in the party, especially on culture-war issues and immigration. The most outspoken of them showed up at last week’s annual meeting of the avowedly nonpartisan No Labels organization, which was otherwise dominated by Republicans seeking to demonstrate a bit of independence from the next administration. These include vocal critics of the 2024 Democratic message like House members Jared Golden, Marie Gluesenkamp Perez, Ritchie Torres, and Seth Moulton, along with wannabe 2025 New Jersey gubernatorial candidate Josh Gottheimer (his Virginia counterpart, Abigail Spanberger, wasn’t at the No Labels confab but is similarly positioned ideologically).
From a strategic point of view, these militant centrists appear to envision a 2028 presidential campaign that will take back the voters Biden won in 2020 and Harris lost this year.
We’re beginning to see the emergence of a faction of Democrats that is willing to cut policy or legislative deals with Team Trump in order to protect some vulnerable constituencies from MAGA wrath. This is particularly visible on the immigration front; some congressional Democrats are talking about cutting a deal to support some of Trump’s agenda in exchange for continued protection from deportation of DREAMers. Politico reports:
“The prize that many Democrats would like to secure is protecting Dreamers — Americans who came with their families to the U.S. at a young age and have since been protected by the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program created by President Barack Obama in 2012.
“Trump himself expressed an openness to ‘do something about the Dreamers’ in a recent ‘Meet the Press’ interview. But he would almost certainly want significant policy concessions in return, including border security measures and changes to asylum law that Democrats have historically resisted.”
On a broader front, the New York Times has found significant support among Democratic governors to selectively cooperate with the new administration’s “mass deportation” plans in exchange for concessions:
“In interviews, 11 Democratic governors, governors-elect and candidates for the office often expressed defiance toward Mr. Trump’s expected immigration crackdown — but were also strikingly willing to highlight areas of potential cooperation.
“Several balanced messages of compassion for struggling migrants with a tough-on-crime tone. They said that they were willing to work with the Trump administration to deport people who had been convicted of serious crimes and that they wanted stricter border control, even as they vowed to defend migrant families and those fleeing violence in their home countries, as well as businesses that rely on immigrant labor.”
While the Democrats planning strategic cooperation with Trump are getting a lot of attention, it’s clear the bulk of elected officials and activists are more quietly waiting for the initial fallout from the new regime to develop while planning ahead for a Democratic comeback. This is particularly true among the House Democratic leadership, which hopes to exploit the extremely narrow Republican majority in the chamber (which will be exacerbated by vacancies for several months until Trump appointees can be replaced in special elections) on must-pass House votes going forward, while looking ahead with a plan to aggressively contest marginal Republican-held seats in the 2026 midterms. Historical precedents indicate very high odds that Democrats can flip the House in 2026, bringing a relatively quick end to any Republican legislative steamrolling on Trump’s behalf and signaling good vibes for 2028.
I predict that if the American’s pull out, the Bush Administration will be charged with the greatest flip flop since “Read my lips.”
Why did so many Americans die? Why did we spend so much money? First, it was because of terrorism. No terrorists. Then, it was about WMDs. No WMDs. Now, it’s about “liberating” Iraqi’s and protecting the rest of the region from “irrational” Saddam Hussein. Well, Saddam may be gone. But what good would the war have done if Iraq decends into chaos and another dictator takes over. Or worse, civil war envelops the country.
Bush will face a revolt by his neocon base. It will be the total repudiation of his own doctrine (The National Security Strategy, Bush Doctrine) and their philosophy.
> There is NO plan to remove the troops. They are
> building permanent bases in Iraq. No matter
> what people think the plan is for us to be there
> till the end of time.
That is undoubtedly what the Neocons are hoping, but what happens if the Iraqi government doesn’t want it? As this WaPo article explains [ http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A34643-2004May17.html ] ordinary Iraqis are increasingly turning against the U.S. “liberators” simply because there is a general perception the Americans are unable or unwilling to make the country a safe place. This apparently goes for Iraqi government officials too, who will be assassinated if they are seen as collaborating with the Americans. So it is by no means a given the Iraqis will ask the U.S. military to stay since they supposedly fear a “civil war” would erupt. Let’s face reality: the country is almost there already and it’s clear a very significant, violent minority will continue the uprising as long as the “crusaders” remain in the country.
Interestingly, it seems the Bushies may in fact be planning to pull out after all! If the Iraqi government asks the Americans to leave, wouldn’t it be a golden opportunity for the Administration to cut its political losses while declaring “victory” in this battle in the war on terror?
MARCU$
Bush I and Bush II both seem to be proving Lincoln’s aphorism about fooling people. They used war to fool “all” of the people but it’s only worked some of the time.
There is NO plan to remove the troops. They are building permanent bases in Iraq. No matter what people think the plan is for us to be there till the end of time. Which may come sooner than we expect with this bunch running things.
I’ve got a real problem with the irresponsible Left that seems to assume that one can just remove the troops from Iraq and wave bye bye. There is something called “collective responsibility” even if you were a hard anti-war protester pre-Iraq 2003, and I simply don’t think that has sunk in to some proponents of just bring the troops home. Sadly, you cannot run the invasion backwards and depart.
What Kerry perhaps promises is a clean slate in dealing with potential allies. Bush is so profoundly unpopular abroad he has no hope of attracting any sort of meaningful help — but Kerry at least offers that possibility. To win Kerry is going to have to speak two languages — the one of Intnernationalization, cooperation, careful listening to the views of others, but at the same time he cannot forsake a strong identification with American Interests and all the rest of the “realist” language. It is a difficult order, and in many ways it depends on Bush proving himself most lnnept as a diplomat, as incapable of conducting advantageous foreign relations — and Kerry seeming to be very comfortable in that role, but at the same time retaining an authentic American character around himself.
I still think Kucinich offered a complete reversal of Bush’s policies. I wonder if he could really make his ideas a reality.
Kerry doesn’t seem to be different enough. He seems to be shrinking away from anything that may have made him more receptive to the progressive community.
Isn’t it only a matter of time before Bush’s numbers hit the 30s? Then he will be totally at par with Carter in 1980. How did that election turn out?
I think that 40% threshold will sink Bush. Politics is about perception. There are still people in disbelief about his not “being popular.” The GOP expected to campaign on his popularity. Now they have nothing. If he falls into the 30s, the realization will come about that he is not only “not popular,” but is actually “unpopular” (there is a difference). They will start seeing Bush as a liability.
Still want to know what a strategy would be if Bush DOES manage to run.
Please explain :/ re: lots of foreign ministers saying they will pull out if asked “(by who?) but…
TROOPS ARE NOT COMING HOME AFTER JUNE 30!!! I wonder just how many Americans are under the false impression that the “handover of sovereignty (to whom nobody knows) means that the troops will come home. If anything, troop numbers will be increasing over the next few months. If Americans are under the impression that we’re pulling troops out this summer, they’re going to be sorely disappointed and even angrier at Bush than they already are.
Kaus has been having much fun asking if it is too late for the Democrats to nominate someone other than Kerry. Maybe he should be asking if it is too late for the Republicans to nominate someone other than Bush?
I doubt many would compare Bush’s skill as equal to Lyndon Johnson’s (and I don’t want to get too hopeful), but it appears that this one is heading where the 1968 election was going until Johnson retired.
> But what do you think will happen when June 30
> comes and the US washes its hands of Iraq by
> means of the superficial handover of sovereignty?
Well, I think they need to pull the troops out of harm’s way as well and I don’t see that happening. As long as Americans are getting killed and as long as taxpayers (well, future generations of taxpayers — “read my lips: no new taxes!”) are being asked to foot the bill, I think Iraq will continue to be a liability. Besides, the dwindling but vocal neoconservative minority will scream like banshees if “Shrub” abandons the Great American Cause of creating democracy in Iraq. GOP voters and conservative pundits are grumbling a lot these days, but they still respect his “moral leadership” in the War on Terror. If “Shrub” starts backtracking on that crucial issue, what’s left?
I am much more worried about the economy: wouldn’t it be awful if the GNP and employment figures improved sufficiently for “Shrub” to squeak through in November? I hear the best guess is there won’t be a sufficiently long string of good news for “Shrub” to use it effectively in his campaign, but nor will Kerry be able to use the data to his advantage. So it’s most likely going to be a wash.
My greatest fear is Kerry will continue to stumble during and after the Demo convention when people finally start paying attention. That’s when succcesful challengers such as Clinton and Reagan took off. Will Kerry prove appealing enough? I think he likely will, if the U.S. is in the same funk as it was during Carter’s final months in office. But *if* the economy is doing acceptably and *if* Iraq/the Middle East is improving, I just don’t see how he can win even if he is running a much better campaign than he is doing right now…
MARCU$
I’ve been following the Zogby polls mainly because he was the most accurate during the last election. However, it’s become quite interesting to see all (or most) of the polls showing something that makes me want to read all of them. That being, GWB’s numbers tanking!!!!! Hopefully there isn’t time for him to recover. I certainly believe we haven’t seen the last of the other scandals (i.e. Plamegate, and 9/11 gate). There’s too much going on for this guy to survive all the negatives.
Hopefully, I haven’t jinxed this for Kerry by saying that.
Locally (Washington, DC) I listened to a political analyst on the way to work named Plotkin. He stated that traditionally people vote what they knew about the economy six months ago. I remember that from prior elections also. Other than voting machine fraud, I just don’t see how Bush can survive all the heat put on him to date and going forward.
Hey, and don’t forget that Bush’s big “Let’s go to Mars!” speech is coming up! That’ll screw him for sure. I can already hear the comments:
“So, Mr. President, do you believe that you will find the weapons of mass destruction there?”
I can’t wait.
If Bush does pull most of the troops out by July, and focus attention on the “economic recovery” and on the shameless 9/11 exploitation at the GOP convention, and on social issues, then these poll numbers don’t mean a lot. They can change at any time. The only thing that say is that Rove is having a harder time figuring out what to do. The bad news against Bush is now very diverse and hitting from him all sides (even the tobacco farmers are turning against him!).
Well, the current numbers certainly look good for Kerry when measured against past performances for incumbent presidents half a year before the election.
1964 JOHNSON-Goldwater: 59
1968 —
1972 NIXON-McGovern: 11
1976 Ford-CARTER: -6
1980 Carter-REAGAN: 8
1984 REAGAN-Mondale: 17
1988 —
1992 Bush-CLINTON: 6
1996 CLINTON-Dole: 14
2000 —
2004 Bush-Kerry: -6
Unfortunately, candidates have occasionally dug themselves out of deeper holes than this although no incumbent has ever managed the feat. In the spring of 1968, Nixon was trailing Hubert Humphrey by six points while the current moron’s father was fourteen points behind Dukakis in 1988. Let’s hope this election really *is* about the Administration’s track record rather than about Kerry.
—
BTW, how could Kerry neutralize the Nader problem? By offering him a job in the Kerry Administration in case he is elected? At least Ralph should stay away from battleground states and only appear on the ballot in safely “blue” or “red” states…
MARCU$
I wonder if Nader is drawing Republicans who can’t bear to support a Democrat — sort of a protest vote. His Reform Party endorsement probably helps that a little.
Of course when election day rolls around, I doubt they’ll be motivated enough to go out and pull a lever for Nader.
But what do you think will happen when June 30 comes and the US washes its hands of Iraq by means of the superficial handover of sovereignty?
Will the reporters go home? Will news reports on the debacle in Iraq dry up (like war reports in Afghanistan now)? Will that end the national attention on Iraq and cushion Bush’s fall?