Kerry leads Bush, 50-45, among RVs in a 2-way matchup in Gallup’s new Ohio poll. (Oddly, their 3-way RV matchup gives Kerry a slightly larger lead, 50-44.) Their LV matchup, which should be viewed with skepticism, is better for Bush, but even there Kerry leads by a point.
Gallup has also released three other state polls recently (all figures 2-way RV matchups): Oregon (52-45 Kerry); Colorado (49-48 Bush); and Wisconsin (51-45 Bush).
TDS Strategy Memos
Latest Research from:
Editor’s Corner
By Ed Kilgore
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November 30: Biden Has a Relatively Low Popularity Requirement For Beating Trump
Staring at the polls and recent precedents, I offered some blunt thoughts at New York on exactly how popular Biden needs to be in 2024:
There’s abundant evidence that if it were held today, a general election rematch of Joe Biden and Donald Trump would show the 46th president in serious trouble. He’s trailing Trump in national and most battleground-state polls, his job-approval rating is at or below 40 percent, his 2020 electoral base is very shaky, and the public mood, particularly on the economy, is decidedly sour.
The standard response of Biden loyalists to the bad recent polling news is to say “The election is a year away!,” as though public-opinion data this far out is useless. But it’s only useless if Biden turns things around, and while there’s plenty of time for that to happen, there has to be a clear sense of what he needs to secure victory and how to go about meeting those needs. Vox’s Andrew Prokop provides a good summary of possible explanations for Biden’s current position:
“One theory: Biden is blowing it — the polls are a clear warning sign that the president has unique flaws as a candidate, and another Democrat would likely be doing better.
“A second theory: Biden’s facing a tough environment — voters have decided they don’t like the economy or the state of the world, and, fairly or not, he’s taking the brunt of it.
“And a third theory: Biden’s bad numbers will get better — voters aren’t even paying much attention yet, and as the campaign gears up, the president will bounce back.”
The first theory, in my opinion, is irrelevant; Biden isn’t going to change his mind about running for reelection, and it’s simply too late for any other Democrat to push him aside. And the second and third theories really point to the same conclusion: The president is currently too unpopular to win in 2024 and needs to find a way to change the dynamics of a general-election contest with Trump.
There’s not much question that Biden needs to improve his popularity at least modestly. There is only one president in living memory with job-approval ratings anything like Biden’s going into his reelection year who actually won; that would be Harry Truman in 1948, and there’s a reason his successful reelection is regarded as one of the great upsets in American political history. There are others, including Barack Obama, who looked pretty toasty at this point in a first term and still won reelection but who managed to boost their popularity before Election Day (Obama boosted his job-approval rating, per Gallup, from 42 percent at the end of November 2011 to 52 percent when voters went to the polls 11 months later).
Given the current state of partisan polarization, it’s unlikely Biden can get majority job approval next year even with the most fortunate set of circumstances. But the good news for him is that he probably doesn’t have to. Job-approval ratings are crucial indicators in a normal presidential reelection cycle that is basically a referendum on the incumbent’s record. Assuming Trump is the Republican nominee, 2024 will not be a normal reelection cycle for three reasons.
First, this would be the exceedingly rare election matching two candidates with presidential records to defend, making it inherently a comparative election (it has happened only once, in 1888, when President Benjamin Harrison faced former president Grover Cleveland). In some respects (most crucially, perceptions of the economy), the comparison might favor Trump. In many others (e.g., Trump’s two impeachments and insurrectionary actions feeding his current legal peril), the comparison will likely favor Biden.
Second, Trump is universally known and remains one of the most controversial figures in American political history. It’s not as though he will have an opportunity to remold his persona or repudiate words and actions that make him simply unacceptable to very nearly half the electorate. Trump’s favorability ratio (40 percent to 55 percent, per RealClearPolitics polling averages) is identical to Biden’s.
And third, Trump seems determined to double down on the very traits that make him so controversial. His second-term plans are straightforwardly authoritarian, and his rhetoric of dehumanizing and threatening revenge against vast swaths of Americans is getting notably and regularly harsher.
So Biden won’t have to try very hard to make 2024 a comparative — rather than a self-referendum — election. And his strategic goal is simply to make himself more popular than his unpopular opponent while winning at least a draw among the significant number of voters who don’t particularly like either candidate.
This last part won’t be easy. Trump won solidly in both 2016 and 2020 among voters who said they didn’t like either major-party candidate (the saving grace for Biden was that there weren’t that many of them in 2020; there will probably be an awful lot of them next November). So inevitably, the campaign will need to ensure that every persuadable voter has a clear and vivid understanding of Trump’s astounding character flaws and extremist tendencies. What will make this process even trickier is the availability of robust independent and minor-party candidates who could win a lot of voters disgusted by a Biden-Trump rock fight.
So the formula for a Biden reelection is to do everything possible to boost his job-approval ratings up into the mid-40s or so and then go after Trump with all the abundant ammunition the 45th president has provided him. The more popular Biden becomes, the more he can go back to the “normalcy” messaging that worked (albeit narrowly) in 2020.
If the economy goes south or overseas wars spread or another pandemic appears, not even the specter of an unleashed and vengeful authoritarian in the White House will likely save Biden; the same could be true if Uncle Joe suffers a health crisis or public lapses in his powers of communication. But there’s no reason he cannot win reelection with some luck and skill — and with the extraordinary decision of the opposition party to insist on nominating Trump for a third time. Yes, the 45th president has some political strengths of his own, but he would uniquely help Biden overcome the difficulty of leading a profoundly unhappy nation.
Kerry deserves this and will win if it is God’s will! Please just go on with the next few weeks praying our new president will be President John Kerry!!
Roy: The Gallop credibility refers to their likely voter model. That is what’s being questioned as far as credibility. This poll was a registered voter poll which as far as I know is not in question.
Kerry is up 5 in that poll.
Note in the Likely voter poll, he’s only up 1.
Gallps LV model simply understates Democratic likely voters and is designed for a time when Democrats were pretty much lazy voters and had no ground game. that’s all changed.
So if you see a poll that usually leans toward the right too much like a Gallop LV showing a Kerry lead, YOU SHOULD LIKE KERRY’S CHANCES.
The same would hold true of a Strategic Vision poll that showed Kerry with a lead. You should like Kerry’s chances.
I like Kerry’s chances in Ohio. But we shouldn’t get too confident. IT’s all about GOTV. If we can turn that extra 4% of Registered Voters in that gallop poll for Kerry into Voters, we win.
I wonder why Gallup would poll in Ohio with Nader included. Nader isn’t on the ballot in Ohio.
And for those of you who are sure that Kerry will pull out Ohio, let me warn you that the Columbus dispatch reports people have been calling elderly voters to tell them that their polling places have changed. Combine that with J. Kenneth Blackwell’s resistence to provisional voting, and one might conclude that the GOP “fix” is in in the Buckeye State.
I would bet that Kerry would win Ohio in a fair vote. I’m not sure he’ll be able to win by a large enough margin to overcome the GOP plans to wrest the state away from the voters.
WHATS WITH IOWA AND WISCONSIN
Over the summer, I thought we would be in good shape in both of these states, primarily because they have traditionally been “anti war.” I wonder if there is some demographic change that is going on there that is turning them from a “blue-purple” to a “red-purple.” Forexample, here in West Virginia, the Democratic Party is getting killed by the long term loss of union jobs. I wonder if a similar dynamic is going on in the upper midwest. On the other hand, I dont think either state is seeing the type of demographic change that is helping the party that is described in Ruy’s EDM.
Another possibility is just that Kerry does not “play well” and has not campaigned well in rural areas. Some paper, I think it was the NYT, suggesting this is the case. However, this would not really explain why he is out performing Gore in Ohio.
Any thoughts?
Mark,
The GOP will try anything & everything to steal FL, so don’t count on those 27 EV.
Nonetheless, in keeping with what Cautiously Optimistic said above, if Kerry wins OH he could lose either WI or IA (not both) and still have 270 EV. The way things stand now, I think it is highly likely that Kerry will take OH + (WI or IA). He may well take all three.
Scott
Well, despite the hype posted here, I’m concerned. Bush is up by two nationally on Reuters and 2.5 on Rasmussen, and is winning in Slate’s electoral college forecast. These are all trending Bush in the last few days. I know that the swing states are what matters, but here and elsewhere it seems that Kerry has plateaued. I know that incumbents typically get their approval rating in final votes, but since we’re at war, I think that a good chunk of undecideds will hold their noses and pull for Bush anyway.
One thing I don’t get is the apparent disjunction between the polls in the battleground states and the national horserace polls.
I’m generalizing, and doing some averaging in my head, but it seems that when viewed in state-by-state polls or the polls of “battleground state voters” Kerry does better than he does in the national horserace.
This suggests that Bush’s advantage in the Red states is larger than Kerry’s in the Blue states. It would also suggest that Bush had more “wasted” votes (votes in excess of the margin necessary to win) in large states like Texas.
Is this really true? Kerry seems to be comfortably ahead in more large states than Bush. I’m thinking of Kerry’s lead in New York, California, Illinois, Massachusetts compared to Bush’s lead in Texas.
Any comments?
This morning on Air America (Oct 22) , they had Zogby on the air. In his analysis, he said that one thing seemed sure, and that was that Bush’s support was firmly set. He saw little possibility for Bush to gain much in the polls. He thought that all the undecideds would break for Kerry and possibly before the election.
Remember, Zogby is considered to be the most accurate of pollers, and an incumbant who can’t top 50% is in big trouble. Of course, there’s the Electoral College.
Bush will not win WI (but if he does I’ll have to mover)
Consider:
1) In 2000 Gore won be a mere 5000 some votes but,
2) Nader got 90,000 votes (3.5%). He’d be lucky to get 1/10 that this time around. I live on Madison’s east side in one of the most liberal wards in the state (in 2000 Bush pulled in a whopping 80 votes (5%) while Nader got 337 (23%)) and I don’t know of a single person planning on voting for Nader. I flat out do not believe he will pull the 1-2% of the vote the polls suggest.
3) Turnout is clearly key, but the Kerry base of Milwaukee and Madison is more densely popluated than the rural Bush base so it should be easier to drag the lazy-but-probably-Kerry voter to the polls than their Bush counterparts
4) Polls are all over the place in WI just as they
were in 2000. See this article from Oct 24, 2000 in the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinal:
http://www.jsonline.com/news/metro/oct00/poll24102300a.asp
Sounds a lot like this year
5) Its our turn dammit!
This is not a suggestion that KE should back off on Florida…but we absolutely must have an electroal edge that allows us to win without FL. The Leninists on the GOPpie side can and will pull out all the stops there, and have the established infrastructure to get away with it.
A small data point in support of that argument. My 80-something y.o. in-laws live in Piniellas County. M-in-law is registered Dem, F-in-Law a Repug.
Her absentee ballot comes without a pre-paid addressed envelope, his comes with. She ends up mailing in hand addressed that gets returned for insufficient postage. She resends. She checks around their home to see if others got or didn’t get a return envelope. 2 Repugs and 1 Dem did, 2 Dems did not, and 1 of those 2 Dems got theirs back for incorrect/no-such address.
Not even remotely a definitive study, but 3-of-5 Dems didn’t get a return envelope, and 2-of-5 geriatric Dems had the opportunity to just let it slide and skip resending. If an eighth of the 2-of-5 don’t bother to resend or screw up again, that’s 5% of the intended-Dem absentee vote.
Moreover, there’s the liklihood of other schemes to be put into play.
Again, not suggesting we blow it off…way too many popular and electoral votes. But we’d better nail it without needing it. How about AZ, AR (send Clinton, Clark & Edwards full-time) & IA. Or VA & NC.
Zogby today is reporting that Kerry and Bush are basically even among seniors. Zogby calls this another “ominous” sign for Kerry. I admit language like this gives me a chill. But is that something of an exaggeration given that Zogby is showing the two of them statistically tied (I think it’s 47-45 Bush). I would think there are more than a few “ominous” signs he could find for Bush, too, but doesn’t seem to want to discuss them.
Gotta love Gallup. There’s just no way Bush is doing better in Colorado (my home) than Wisconsin. No way. Also, I’ve been in WI recently. The independent groups and the Dem party is so wired and organized I felt like I was in Marine boot camp. They’re going to pull it out. Iowa is not looking good, but I’m pretty confident that will be our only Gore-state loss.
Quinnipac now has Kerry 5 points ahead in Pennsylvania. There can be no doubt now — the momentum is clearly in Kerry’s direction. Ahead in Ohio, ahead in Pa., tied or ahead in Florida, ahead in Iowa, closing in on Wisconsin and poised to “steal” New Hampshire, Colorado, Nevada and perhaps other states from the Red column.
http://www.quinnipiac.edu/x11379.xml?ReleaseID=486
If Kerry is roughly even nationwide, but running ahead by 6-7 points in the battleground states, where are all Bush’s extra votes coming from?
RUTS, baby! (Running Up The Score, to borrow a college football term)
The numbers I’ve seen for the Solid Red and Blue states (2.004k.com, as of this morning) generally show Kerry up by 10-15, and breaking 20 in only a few strongholds like RI, NY, and over 30% only in DC, a 20%+ total of 38 EVs. In CA, Ill, he’s not over 20, and in MA he doesn’t clear 15!
Bush, on the other hand, is RUTSing like Kansas State. Against Army. At Home. On national TV. For Homecoming. He has leads of 20 or more in a baker’s dozen states totalling 106 EVs. In four states, UT, WY, OK, and NE, he’s at 30% or more. Bush has successfully mobilized his red state base – too bad it doesn’t count for much beyond national telephone surveys.
EVs by (Mar)gin, for (Bu)sh and (Ke)rry
Mar Bu Ke
30+ 20 3
20+ 86 35
10+ 41 105
6+ 48 84
Florida is the big one. If Kerry wins Ohio he can still lose. If he wins Florida, he wins.
Mark
With all the polls coming out now, here are my feelings.
I don’t see any way Bush wins Wisconsin. I know the polls there are showing a close race, but I think Kerry will pull out Wisconsin.
I’m feeling much better about Ohio. Everything seems to be trending Kerry’s way there.
–Scott
“Will vote early, wish I could vote often.”
brit hume (fox special report with britte hume- thursday)interviewd republican pollster john mccaughlin on LV v. RV.
mccaughlin stated that in determining who is a LV his firm simply asked polled party if they were a likely voter. he admitted this was a very loose “screen” and went on to criticze LV screens in general as being unrelaible.
Ruy, I’m no fan of Bush, but I have to ask why this Gallup poll showing Kerry leading 50-44 among RV’s in Ohio is credible, while practically every other Gallup poll has been discounted at this site?
It’s worth noting that if Bush wins FL, WI, and IA, then Kerry loses, even if Kerry wins OH & PA. So, we can’t focus all of our attention on OH. Nevertheless, I think Kerry will ultimately win both OH and WI (and perhaps IA too).