According to a nation-wide Gallup Poll reported on August 13th, “Among all registered voters, the race is just a one-point difference, with Bush at 48% and Kerry at 47%. The late July/early August poll had each candidate at 48%.
If independent Ralph Nader is included in the ballot, Bush receives 48% among likely voters, Kerry 46%, and Nader 3%. Among registered voters, Bush still has a one-point lead over Kerry, 46% to 45%, and Nader gets 5%.”
TDS Strategy Memos
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Editor’s Corner
By Ed Kilgore
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October 23: Four Fear Factors for Democrats
I figured this was as good a time as any to come clean about reasons Democrats are fretting the 2024 election results despite some quite positive signs for Kamala Harris, so I wrote them up at New York:
One of the most enduring of recent political trends is a sharp partisan divergence in confidence about each party’s electoral future. Democrats are forever “fretting” or even “bed-wetting;” they are in “disarray” and pointing fingers at each other over disasters yet to come. Republicans, reflecting the incessant bravado of their three-time presidential nominee, tend to project total, overwhelming victory in every election, future and sometimes even past. When you say, as Donald Trump often does, that “the only way we lose is if they cheat,” you are expressing the belief that you never ever actually lose.
The contrast between the fretting donkey and the trumpeting elephant is sometimes interpreted as a matter of character. Dating back to the early days of the progressive blogosphere, many activists have claimed that Democrats (particularly centrists) simply lack “spine,” or the remorseless willingness put aside doubts or any other compunctions in order to fight for victory in contests large and small. In this Nietzschean view of politics, as determined by sheer will-to-power (rather than the quality of ideas or the impact of real-world conditions), Democrats are forever bringing a knife to a gun fight or a gun to a nuclear war.
Those of us who are offended by this anti-intellectual view of political competition, much less its implicit suggestion that Democrats become as vicious and demagogic as the opposition often is, have an obligation to offer an alternative explanation for this asymmetric warfare of partisan self-confidence. I won’t offer a general theory dating back to past elections, but in 2024, the most important reasons for inordinate Democratic fear are past painful experience and a disproportionate understanding of the stakes of this election.
Democrats remember 2016 and 2020
It’s very safe to say very few Democrats expected Hillary Clinton to lose to Donald Trump in 2016, or that Joe Biden would come so close to losing to Donald Trump in 2020. No lead in the polls looks safe because in previous elections involving Trump, they weren’t.
To be clear, the national polls weren’t far off in 2016; the problem was that sparse public polling of key states didn’t alert Democrats to the possibility Trump might pull an Electoral College inside straight by winning three states that hadn’t gone Republican in many years (since 1984 in Wisconsin, and since 1988 in Michigan and Pennsylvania). 2020 was just a bad year for pollsters. In both cases, it was Trump who benefitted from polling errors. So of course Democrats don’t view any polling lead as safe. Yes, the pollsters claim they’ve compensated for the problems that affect their accuracy in 2016 and 2020, and it’s even possible they over-compensated, meaning that Harris could do better than expected. But the painful memories remain fresh.
Democrats fear Trump 2.0 more than Republicans fear Harris
If you believe the maximum Trump ‘24 message about Kamala Harris’s intentions as president, it’s a scary prospect: she’s a Marxist (or Communist) who wants to replace white American citizens with the scum of the earth, which her administration is eagerly inviting across open borders with government benefits to illegally vote Democratic. It’s true that polls show a hard kernel — perhaps close to half — of self-identified Republicans believe some version of the Great Replacement Theory that has migrated from the right-wing fringes to the heart of the Trump campaign’s messaging, and that’s terrifying since there’s no evidence whatsoever for it. But best we can tell, the Trump voting base is a more-or-less equally divided coalition of people who actually believe some if not all of what their candidate says about the consequences of defeat, and people who just think Trump offers better economic and tougher immigration policies. While the election may be an existential crisis for Trump himself, since his own personal liberty could depend on the outcome, there’s not much evidence that all-or-nothing attitude is shared beyond the MAGA core of his coalition.
By contrast, Democrats don’t have to exercise a lurid sense of imagination to feel fear about Trump 2.0. They have Trump 1.0 as a precedent, with the added consideration that the disorganization and poor planning that curbed many of the 45th president’s authoritarian tendencies will almost certainly be reduced in 2025. Then there’s the escalation in his extremist rhetoric. In 2016 he promised a Muslim travel ban and a southern border wall. Now he’s talking about mass deportation program for undocumented immigrants and overt ideological vetting of legal immigrants. In 2016 he inveighed against the “deep state” and accused Democrats of actively working against the interests of the country. Now he’s pledging to carry out a virtual suspension of civil service protections and promising to unleash the machinery of law enforcement on his political enemies, including the press. As the furor over Project 2025 suggests, there’s a general sense that the scarier elements in Trump’s circle of advisors are planning to hit the ground running with radical changes in policies and personnel that can’t be reversed.
Only one party is threatening to challenge the election results
An important psychological factor feeding Democratic fears of a close election is the unavoidable fact that Trump has virtually promised to repeat or even surpass his 2020 effort to overturn the results if he loses. So anything other than a landslide victory for Harris will be fragile and potentially reversible. This is a deeply demoralizing prospect. It’s one thing to keep people focused on maximum engagement with politics through November 5. It’s another thing altogether to plan for a long frantic slog that won’t be completed until January 20.
Trump has been working hard to perfect the flaws in his 2020 post-election campaign that led to the failed January 6 insurrection, devoting a lot of resources to pre-election litigation and the compilation of post-election fraud allegations.
Though if you look hard you can find scattered examples of Democrats talking about denying a victorious Trump re-inauguration on January 20, none of that chatter is coming from the Democratic Party, the Harris-Walz campaign, or a critical mass of the many, many players who would be necessary to challenge an election defeat. Election denial in 2024 is strictly a Republican show.
If Harris wins, she’ll oversee a divided government; if Trump wins, he’ll have a shot at total power
As my colleague Jonathan Chait recently explained, the odds of Republicans winning control of the Senate in November are extremely high. That means that barring a political miracle, a President Harris would be constrained both legislatively and administratively, in terms of the vast number of executive-branch and judicial appointments the Senate has the power to confirm, reject, or simply ignore.
If Trump wins, however, he will have a better-than-even chance at a governing trifecta. This would not only open up the floodgates for extremist appointments aimed at remaking the federal government and adding to the Trumpification of the judiciary, but would unlock the budget reconciliation process whereby the trifecta party can make massive policy changes on up-or-down party-line votes without having to worry about a Senate filibuster.
Overall, Democrats have more reason to fear this election, and putting on some fake bravado and braying like MAGA folk won’t change the underlying reasons for that fear. The only thing that can is a second Trump defeat which sticks.
I am bothered by the fact that this seems to be the poll the SCLM cites when discussing the horse race.
Bob Schieffer (sp?) on Face the Nation asked Tad Devine yesterday if Kerry had had a “reverse bounce” since Bush’s number have continuously risen since August 1. Devine pointed out that most polls, including CBS’s show a Kerry lead, but the loaded question probably made a bigger point than the reply.
Frenchfries: Well, I’ll grant you that the inconsistency is strange. And also, the link I sent you was wrong. Here’s a better one:
http://www.census.gov/prod/2002pubs/p20-542.pdf
I’m going to guess that since the census report came out 2 years after the election, it may be the more accurate one. But who knows. I am totally confident that Gallup is NOT assuming a higher turnout than they think happened in 2000. That’s just not their style … they’re very very conservative (small “c”).
I’m not sure what Gallup is doing but it is telling that they are the lone poll out so it’s likely they’re wrong. I did read a comment of Charlie Cook’s where he notes that Gallup is doing “likely voter” polls right now and those are wildly off the mark this far out from election day. I’d also note that Gallup was one of many pollsters in 2000 who didn’t catch the swing back to Gore in the last 5 days of the election and who didn’t predict the Dem GOTV effort.
The fact that all other polls put K/E ahead, plus a lot of anecdotal evidence (huge crowds for K/E, lots of stories of former Bush voters now swearing off voting for him again) all point to K/E doing well. Plus there are undercurrents that the Gallup organization (and other pollsters, actually) are not catching. One, the dem vote is *highly* motivated to vote. The rep vote is apparently subdued. I have yet to see any evidence of any kind of “fire” to get out and vote for Bush. I’m guessing that Gallup’s “likely voter” is totally missing the fact that this year’s likely voter is probably going to the polls to Get Bush Out. Second, the undecided vote historically goes against the incumbent. Add to this the fact that the undecideds this year are even more anti-incumbent than usual. Incumbents get 1/3 of the undecided vote *at best*, and Bush looks likely to get not even 1/5 of it. If he’s not going into election day at least 3% points ahead of Kerry, he’s probably going to be toast.
I’m not confusing 2000 and 2002. (You did look at these links I posted, didn’t you? One is called “americanpresidency”.)
And frankly, I checked out your census link but I didn’t find the exact numbers. It says somewhere “55% of the voting population”. Is that it?
Here are the numbers of the Federal Election Commission for 2000:
http://www.fec.gov/pages/2000turnout/reg&to00.htm
Frenchfries: Check out that census link I posted up higher. I think it’s pretty much the gold standard for turnout numbers. Maybe you’re confusing 2002 with 2000? If I remember correctly, turnout in 2002 was indeed around 50%.
If everyone feels and knows that they are playing their part to get kerry elected and the polls are still showing these close numbers, then I think that someone needs to get the message over to the Kerry handlers that as soon as the GOP convention is over that they have to attack Bush on all his failed policies, his almost invisible military record, his constant failures while toying around with the economy… and the list goes on forever.
The democrats has sooooooooooooooo much fodder and fuel that thy can literally blow the GOP outta the water but somehow they seem afraid to use it… or maybe they are waiting to dump just before November.
I cant quite fathom how Bush can be running so close to Kerry and yet have such dismal records. This is more fascinating than anything. Personally, I think its an indictment on the democrats and the people as a whole. How can you throw your support behind such failed leadership? CEOs who function in the manner that Bush functions gets their desk cleaned out.. stuff placed in a box and they are given a formal package at the door the next morning.
How is it that nearly 50% of the electorate think that this CEO aint doing too bad and that he deserves the right to make things worse? This is interesting beyond measure and I doubt that anyone can come up with solid explanation for this. Its highly unusual.
Cheers
AS,
I didn’t do much research. I just googled and found this:
http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0781453.html
and this:
http://www.geocities.com/americanpresidencynet/voterturnout.htm
What are your numbers?
Can some one tell me why all these polling firms include Ralph Nader when he has made it on to a grand total of TWO STATES? Maybe there are more since I last checked but it can’t be more than ten. And most of those signatures to get him on the ballot are made up by over 90% conservatives/republicans. Why can’t these firms get that A) national numbers mean squat, it is the state-by-state numbers in swing states that matter and B) Nader won’t be on the ballot in almost all of those swing states.
In reality, Nader will be lucky to get more than 1% of the vote. Nice try in handing the election to Bush a second time, old man. Give it a rest.
I put in about two hours a day for the locl Kerry campaign. I have given about three hundred a month to either Kerry, Move-on, or some Democrta’s campaign. I have a yard sign, bumpersticker and pin.
I think the reason Kerry’s campaign is stalling is that he isn’t running that great a campaign. The Bush negativity is working. Kerr’s ads (expect his war ones) are too vague and platitudinous. He should be slapping that 500billion dollar debt up in front of everyone’s eyeballs. He should have a ad which says point blank that Bush took taxes off the rich and put them on the middle. he needs to be more concise, more pointed and more informative and back off on the Democratic buzz words and Democratic emotional buttons.
The move on testimonial ads are also good and provide models for what the Kerry campaign should be doing.
He doesn’t know how to speak to the independents.
I agree with you, Bel. Stop whining, guys. Sit and write a letter to a newspaper or TV talk show.
If democrats are truely outraged and totally p$$sed with GWB, then kerry has no real problem no matter what the polls say.
I would tend to think that outrage would rally the party and get them mobilised to vote, as well as mobilise others to vote and to convert those repubs. who are also peeved at GWB.
I would think that this outrage would cause the democrats to support the 527s and other groups that are labouring to produce ads and cover the floor with blanket canvassing..
I would think that the outraged democrats would shower the stations like FOX with the real versions of the stories and challenge the Hannities and O’Reileys with something positive and truthful to talk about.
I am sure that outraged democrats would spread the word and sow the seeds day and night, just to show how outraged they are.
Outraged democrats will team up with other grass root organisations and literally flood the market with the Kerry message.
Outraged democrats will cover for Kerry when he mis-speaks and defend his positions to the death..
If this is what outraged and p$$sed democrats are doing, then Bush is merely a sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal.
Lets face it, if Bush is still running tied with Kerry, then the word is not getting out.. and the effect of the campaing aint biting yet.
While its true that I believe and am pretty sure that Kerry will win, I am not convinced one ounce that its because of the work of the democrats. I am happy with the work that the candidates are doing but they are a lonely pair.
I expect kerry and edwards to win simply because the electorate are simply fed up with Bush. Look.. the republicans cannot point to a single issue that Bush has done that benefits the nation. They cannot point to a single policy that is not in dispute as being useful or useless. Bush and his crew does not have a record or a platform on which to run but yet they are running tied with Kerry who has truck loads of ammuniition. Doesnt this say that something is desparately wrong?
Yes it does and hence I insist that if democrats are outraged and all these excellent descriptive terms, then they need to go out and change the numbers in the polls and change the president in November.
Being outraged and p$$sed dont means one scrap if democrats are not interested in palying a meaningful part. Being angry or any such unique term dont say squat until democrats quit chatting and start working…
Actually I am p$ssed that democrats are allowing the candidates to run this show all by them lonesome selves… what a pity.
The problem, Samuel Knight, is you’d have to assume that Gallup was picking up the results of this “successful” negative barrage at a time when no one else was. There’ve been all sorts of polls, national and state, issued contemporaneously with this Gallup, and none of them show the same result. The poll Gallup most resembles, in fact, is ITS OWN, from two weeks ago, right after the convention — which suggests it’s their methods/sampling, not their time-frame.
Gallup is, unquestionably, different from the rest right now. If it turns out they had it right all along, and everyone else was wrong, my hat will (sadly) be off to them. But I find it difficult to lean that way right now.
Kerry will “slam away” when he and his astute team decide it’s proper to do so. He’s run an excellent race so far, something which could never be said of Gore.
I’d have to disagree with those assailing Gallup’s methodology – they might very well be right.
It is going to be very hard to read this year’s electorate, response rates are low, old assumptions about turnout might be way off and people are seriously polarised.
Another possibility to account for the pro-Bush results of the Gallup and the Pew polls is that Bush’s relentless negative assult is starting to work. I’d love to live in a world where it didn’t. But the simple fact is that tearing down your opponent is a good way to win.
Bush has got his negative strategy, but Kerry doesn’t have his. Flip-flopper resonates. Kerry’s got a few options: incompetent, misleading, buffoon, he just needs to pick a couple and slam away.
Oh and one more thing …
Here’s the census link for turnout in 2000:
http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/2002/cb02-31.html
Also remember that turnout of REGISTERED voters in 2000 was over 86%. One of the least understood truths of American politics is that, in presidential elections, almost everyone who is registered does in fact vote. Or at least 6 out of 7. The problem is 30% of eligibles aren’t registered.
With respect to Frenchfries’ point — I’m not sure where you’re getting your turnout numbers, but last I checked turnout in 2000 was exactly 55% for all over-18’s (60% for all eligible voters, meaning over 18 citizens, which I strongly suspect was the universe for the Gallup poll). So in fact Gallup is assuming (at best) an identical turnout, perhaps a lower one, depending on exactly how their screen works.
It’s not the likely voter screen, folks. Check out the actual release (and for that matter the original posting). Even among registered voters, Kerry is only up one, which is 5-6 points off from the other recent polls. They have some sort of methodology that is setting them apart. There are many possibilities, some of which are:
1) They’re cutting corners on re-connecting with voters they can’t find on the first try … this is a very reliably pro-GOP shortcut.
2) They’re calling at a time or on a day when younger voters are unlikely to be home.
3) They’re not looking closely at their “random” sample to see if it makes any sense, i.e. if the R versus D ration is close to accurate.
Or, another possibility is that we’ll start to see close to dead even numbers from the other polls soon. Remember, it’s the battleground states that matter, not the national numbers. What seems to be happening is that Bush is rolling up huge numbers in the non-battleground states, but continuing to lose ground elsewhere.
In addition to switching from “registered votesr” to “likely voters,” another thing poll readers should do is switch from national polls to state polls about now. The reason is NOT, actually, because of the electoral college. In fact, I’ll bet the house that the winner of the popular vote this year will win the electoral vote too. Rather, what happens is that, inevitably, non-battleground states see lower turnout than battlegrounds (check the historic numbers … it’s not a perfectly true statement, but close). As a result, a candidate who is running up big leads in his base states but losing a lot of close ones will see his final numbers go down substantially from the final polls. That’s what happened to Bush in ’00, and it looks like it’s happening again. Most of the “swing” states right now aren’t even in the margin of error, Kerry’s doing so well. But he’s getting creamed in Texas and Alabama. Bush’s national numbers will almost certainly be inflated as a result.
The Gallup poll is getting trumpeted far above all other polls, especially when it come out showing Bush’s approval rating is over 50%. How convenient that just before their convention the public is now more favorable to Bush! We’ll have to wait and see if this is for real or an outlier. One indicator is whether or not other polls show approval trending up over the month. Anyway Gallup is getting way too much publicity.
When Fox has K/E ahead 3 points but Gallup has them behind, somthing is seriously wrong somewhere.
It’s true, if you look at the Gallup chart for 2000, that Gallup showed Bush far ahead for most of the fall:
http://www.gallup.com/content/?ci=1216
What Up???
The Gallup organization — like the Washington Post editorial page — benefits from being remembered as one thing (Gallup: gold standard of polling; WP: a liberal voice) so many don’t notice it has shifted into being something else (Gallup: consistent Bush-favorer; WP: war hawks).
Gallup gave Bush a 13 point lead over Gore ten days before Election 2000. Throughout the Bush presidency, it has shown a consistently higher level of support for Bush (in approvals and match-ups) than just about any other polling organization. Now, its “likely voter” model pushes that standard further, pruning it to make it MORE GOP-friendly. In the process, it sets itself apart from not only every other national poll, but also the aggregate results of all state polls — i.e., if Bush were ahead by 1 (RV) or 3 (LV) overall, there’s no way Kerry’d be taking such wide leads in FL, PA and MI, or leading NH or OH.
Now, there’s always the possibility Gallup has discovered a special sauce that gives it unique insight into this year’s electorate (though a LV model overstating GOP participation seems wildly at odds with anything perceptible out there this year). But the more likely conclusion is, Gallup has, for whatever reason, gone off a deep end.
It reminds me of a snarky thing my father used to say when I was a kid and persisting in some stubborn, unpopular position. He’d say “It must be the rest of the world that’s wrong”. On a rare occasion, I WOULD be vindicated. But most of the time, the rest of the world had it right.
In the text of the Gallup report, there is this comment:
“The likely voter model assumes a turnout of 55% of national adults. The likely voter sample is weighted down to match this assumption.”
Is this a hint that they’re weighting by party affiliation to reflect previous election turnout (and ignoring just how p*ssed off we Democrats are about Bush)?
That’s the only way I can see them coming up with numbers so out-of-sync with all the other national polls of the past couple of weeks.