A lot of people who weren’t alive to witness the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago are wondering if it’s legendary chaos. I evaluated that possibility at New York:
When the Democratic National Committee chose Chicago as the site of the party’s 2024 national convention a year ago, no one knew incumbent presidential nominee Joe Biden would become the target of major antiwar demonstrations. The fateful events of October 7 were nearly six months away, and Biden had yet to formally announce his candidacy for reelection. So there was no reason to anticipate comparisons to the riotous 1968 Democratic Convention, when images of police clashing with anti–Vietnam War protesters in the Windy City were broadcast into millions of homes. Indeed, a year ago, a more likely analog to 2024 might have been the last Democratic convention in Chicago in 1996; that event was an upbeat vehicle for Bill Clinton’s successful reelection campaign.
Instead, thanks to intense controversy over Israel’s lethal operations in Gaza and widespread global protests aimed partly at Israel’s allies and sponsors in Washington, plans are well underway for demonstrations in Chicago during the August 19 to 22 confab. Organizers say they expect as many as 30,000 protesters to gather outside Chicago’s United Center during the convention. As in the past, a key issue is how close the protests get to the actual convention. Obviously, demonstrators want delegates to hear their voices and the media to amplify their message. And police, Chicago officials, and Democratic Party leaders want protests to occur as far away from the convention as possible. How well these divergent interests are met will determine whether there is anything like the kind of clashes that dominated Chicago ’68.
There are, however, some big differences in the context surrounding the two conventions. Here’s why the odds of a 2024 convention showdown rivaling 1968 are actually fairly low.
Horrific as the ongoing events in Gaza undoubtedly are, and with all due consideration of the U.S. role in backing and supplying Israel now and in the past, the Vietnam War was a more viscerally immediate crisis for both the protesters who descended on Chicago that summer and the Americans watching the spectacle on TV. There were over a half-million American troops deployed in Vietnam in 1968, and nearly 300,000 young men were drafted into the Army and Marines that year. Many of the protesters at the convention were protesting their own or family members’ future personal involvement in the war, or an escape overseas beyond the Selective Service System’s reach (an estimated 125,000 Americans fled to Canada during the Vietnam War, and how to deal with them upon repatriation became a major political issue for years).
Even from a purely humanitarian and altruistic point of view, Vietnamese military and civilian casualties ran into the millions during the period of U.S. involvement. It wasn’t common to call what was happening “genocide,” but there’s no question the images emanating from the war (which spilled over catastrophically into Laos and especially Cambodia) were deeply disturbing to the consciences of vast numbers of Americans.
Perhaps a better analogy for the Gaza protests than those of the Vietnam era might be the extensive protests during the late 1970s and 1980s over apartheid in South Africa (a regime that enjoyed explicit and implicit backing from multiple U.S. administrations) and in favor of a freeze in development and deployment of nuclear weapons. These were significant protest movements, but still paled next to the organized opposition to the Vietnam War.
One reason the 1968 Chicago protests created such an indelible image is that the conflict outside on the streets was reflected in conflict inside the convention venue. For one thing, 1968 nominee Hubert Humphrey had not quelled formal opposition to his selection when the convention opened. He never entered or won a single primary. One opponent who did, Eugene McCarthy, was still battling for the nomination in Chicago. Another, Robert F. Kennedy, had been assassinated two months earlier (1972 presidential nominee George McGovern was the caretaker for Kennedy delegates at the 1968 convention). There was a highly emotional platform fight over Vietnam policy during the convention itself; when a “peace plank” was defeated, New York delegates led protesters singing “We Shall Overcome.” Once violence broke out on the streets, it did not pass notice among the delegates, some of whom had been attacked by police trying to enter the hall. At one point, police actually accosted and removed a TV reporter from the convention for some alleged breach in decorum.
By contrast, no matter what is going on outside the United Center, the 2024 Democratic convention is going to be totally wired for Joe Biden, with nearly all the delegates attending pledged to him and chosen by his campaign. Even aside from the lack of formal opposition to Biden, conventions since 1968 have become progressively less spontaneous and more controlled by the nominee and the party that nominee directs (indeed, the chaos in Chicago in 1968 encouraged that trend, along with near-universal use of primaries to award delegates, making conventions vastly less deliberative). While there may be some internal conflict on the platform language related to Gaza, it will very definitely be resolved long before the convention and far away from cameras.
Another significant difference between then and now is that convention delegates and Democratic elected officials generally will enter the convention acutely concerned about giving aid and comfort to the Republican nominee, the much-hated, much-feared Donald Trump. Yes, many Democrats hated and feared Richard Nixon in 1968, but Democrats were just separated by four years from a massive presidential landslide and mostly did not reckon how much Nixon would be able to straddle the Vietnam issue and benefit from Democratic divisions. That’s unlikely to be the case in August of 2024.
Chicago mayor Richard J. Daley was a major figure in the 1968 explosion in his city. He championed and defended his police department’s confrontational tactics during the convention. At one point, when Senator Abraham Ribicoff referred from the podium to “gestapo tactics in the streets of Chicago,” Daley leaped up and shouted at him with cameras trained on his furious face as he clearly repeated an obscene and antisemitic response to the Jewish politician from Connecticut. Beyond his conduct on that occasion, “Boss” Daley was the epitome of the old-school Irish American machine politician and from a different planet culturally than the protesters at the convention.
Current Chicago mayor Brandon Johnson, who was born the year of Daley’s death, is a Black progressive and labor activist who is still fresh from his narrow 2023 mayoral runoff victory over the candidate backed by both the Democratic Establishment and police unions. While he is surely wary of the damage anti-Israel and anti-Biden protests can do to the city’s image if they turn violent, Johnson is not without ties to protesters. He broke a tie in the Chicago City Council to ensure passage of a Gaza cease-fire resolution earlier this year. His negotiating skills will be tested by the maneuvering already underway with protest groups and the Democratic Party, but he’s not going to be the sort of implacable foe the 1968 protesters encountered.
The 1968 Democratic convention was from a bygone era of gavel-to-gavel coverage by the three broadcast-television networks that then dominated the media landscape and the living rooms of the country. When they were being bludgeoned by the Chicago police, protesters began chanting, “The whole world is watching,” which wasn’t much of an exaggeration. Today’s media coverage of major-party political conventions is extremely limited and (like coverage of other events) fragmented. If violence breaks out this time in Chicago, it will get a lot of attention, albeit much of it bent to the optics of the various media outlets covering it. But the sense in 1968 that the whole nation was watching in horror as an unprecedented event rolled out in real time will likely never be recovered.
2’nd term runs are referendums on the incumbent. Let this crew dig themselves deeper (can’t be stopped anyway), then sod them over in November.
Kerry should say nothing specific about Iraq.
It’s still ‘the economy stupid’ anyway.
“But do we want to have Kerry pull out & spend the rest of our lives taking crap from republicans accusing us of being soft on terrorism?”
That’s one of my fears as well. Letting Bush win is not an option in my opinon. Therefore Kerry surrogates must make the point that this is a Bush, GOP fubar and point fingers and make the point as often as possible. Make GOP mean Iraq mean failure.
“they know they will still be there.”
hmmm. This is true. And there is virtually no hope that there will be a “democratic” iraqi army to hold up a government in the next ten years – even by administration estimates. My idea was that there would be something like a permanent international monitering force.
But we would have to have a cease-fire first.
But do we want to have Kerry pull out & spend the rest of our lives taking crap from republicans accusing us of being soft on terrorism? Better in that case if we let Bush win so that he has to take the heat.
“I don’t like this, because it will play to the strength of the insurgents. If moderates know that the Americans are going to leave bu the insurgents are going to stay, that will hamper their ability to stick their necks out and help us and themselves.”
They already know that eventually we are going to leave – just like Ho & Giap knew we were eventually going to leave. And as in that earlier lesson, they know they will still be there. That has always been a given. I don’t mean to be cruel, but you, Bush and the Neo Cons must be the only people who didn’t understand that little minor detail
>>It seems to me that the “stay the course” position >>amounts to little more than hanging on and hoping >>things settle down somehow.
Indeed, this is the way the Bush administration is playing it, but that is because they can’t think of any other way to handle it and keep it all for themselves.
I can see only three possible outcomes:
1) The Bush adminstration holds on as long as they can, taking casualties indefinitely while Halliburton squeezes as much out of it as they can. Cynically and rather blatantly, they have been publicly informing the Iraqis that they should not expect to have any control of their country for quite a while.
2) Halliburton decides Iraq is not going to be a long term money-maker. The Bush administration declares victory and runs. The nastiest people quickly take over.
3) The whole mess gets dumped into Kerry’s (our) lap. He goes on TV and says “we’re sorry for having been such *******s. We’ll do whatever it takes to get you to help us out with this mess.” The pain gets spread around.
None of these options are really good, but that’s why people tell you not to run with scissors or start wars when they’re not absolutely necessary…
What all you responsible folks seem to be overlooking is that there are some damn good reasons for “just getting the hell out,” starting with the fact that our presence in Iraq is now probably the single strongest destabilizing factor in the situation.
People are feeling sick of it, sure, but they’re also realizing that even a very modest version of the neocon war aims is simply unachievable. We simply cannot suppress the insurgency except by taking measures that will turn ever more Iraqis against us.
It seems to me that the “stay the course” position amounts to little more than hanging on and hoping things settle down somehow. Hardly a day has gone by that hasn’t made that outcome less likely.
Additionally, what Andrew said.
This is a pollster trying to make foreign policy. Best to keep your opinions on these matters to yourself, Ruy.
I don’t like this, because it will play to the strength of the insurgents. If moderates know that the Americans are going to leave bu the insurgents are going to stay, that will hamper their ability to stick their necks out and help us and themselves.
All this rhetoric about doing the right thing, sounds nice, but in the meantime “how do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?”
I have no problem with Kerry reframing himself on the issue, but in the end, he needs to blame Bush and the neo-cons and come up with some sort of “Peace with Honor” plan a la… gulp…Nixon and get us out and turn it over to Iraq. I have no problem with helping Iraq fix itself, but I see no point in staying where we are not wanted and outside of Chalabi, I don’t see that we are wanted.
My question is somewhat unrelated to the Subject, but who should Kerry choose as his running mate to maximize the likelihood of winning in November? With six months to go, I think we can be almost 100% certain that Iraq is still going to look bad. The only wild cards are the discovery of vast caches of WMDs (and I don’t nean a token sarin grenade here and there) or the possible impact of another terrorist strike on U.S. soil. Conversely, the economy is probably going to look slightly better as well — unless there is another 9/11.
It seems to me as if Kerry wouldn’t gain as much from choosing John Edwards in case the worst news is related to the Middle East rather than the economy. Kerry’s shortcomings in the “personal likability” department would also seem to matter less in case there is a general consensus the country is in a crisis. If this happens (and there is every sign the string of bad news from Iraq will continue for months), Kerry would arguably be better off by choosing a running mate who is similarly competent/experienced and probably is good at rallying the Democratic ground troops too. I think the somewhat unexciting Dick Gephardt might be ideal, or maybe some other veteran politician with excellent credentials as an anti terrorism policy wonk?
MARCU$
Just to followup on my previous post, here’s how Kerry could position his stance: “I know many people are at a point where they are merely seeking the fastest way out of Iraq, and maybe that would be a politically popular thing to do, but I’m not going to pursue a policy that may be damaging simply because it’s good politics. We have to do the right thing here for ourselves and for the Iraqi people.”
This could help Kerry counter one of the most rampant criticisms of him, that the does everything by first putting his finger in the wind.
In my view, Iraq is bad news for Bush anyway you look at it, and, somewhat paradoxically, Kerry will do himself the greatest benefit even politically if he declares his own policy to be above politics.
I think Andrew has it exactly right. Kerry cannot and should not advocate specific tactics regarding the war. The war shifts too quickly and he will be vulnerable to charges that he is second-guessing the President during a time of war. Rather, he needs to continue to portray himself as (1) a veteren and war hero and (2) a person with years and years of foreign policy experience. He needs to speak in generalities about values based foreign policy, involving the international community and competence. When people, one by one or in droves, are convinced that W. is screwing this up to a faretheewell, they will see Kerry as a viable alternative.
I pretty much agree with most of the commenters above. Kerry’s proposed treatment of Iraq should be the first example of how a GROWNUP deals with a difficult international situation, not still another example of a political football, or an ideological hobby horse.
Here’s my view of what Kerry should do. Figure out what’s right. Do and say what’s right.
Some reframing of his position to accommodate politics is of course reasonable, but if he positions his proposed policy as being the RESPONSIBLE, rational thing to do, one NOT subject fundamentally to polls and politics, then even politically it will be a breath of fresh air on the subject of Iraq, and foreign policy more generally.
Beyond all the other problems of Kerry’s tacking hard on the subject of Iraq, it immediately presents a great political danger: it invites the criticism that he is, once again, doing a flip flop.
What remains difficult about Iraq policy, even if one removes the politics of it, is that it is fundamentally hard to know what to do. The correct policy itself might easily change depending on what happens on the ground in Iraq. This would require a lot of open endedness in anything Kerry should propose.
In my view, Kerry’s proposed policy on Iraq should be the first test of a Kerry Presidency, giving us a taste of what he would do in foreign policy, his great strength, should he become President, with the election behind him.
In the early 50’s there was the Korean War…despite the satisfactory economy, Americans were frustrated by ongoing American casualties in Korea. Dwight Eisenhower made a campaign speech and said, “If elected, I shall go to Korea.”
My father stopped in his tracks from his usual pacing, turned to my mother and me (15) and said, “There’s the election!”
It was the election.
Eisenhower got all but 89 electoral votes. Adlai Stevenson,
brainy though he was considered to be, crashed and burned.
All of the social progress and programs Kerry talks about won’t happen unless the Iraq War ends. Through both legislative giveaways to the rich and corporations and choosing this war, Republicans have succeeded in what has been their aim–“starving the beast”.
I believe that this is called “being a grown-up”. Children are notorious for walking away from problems, it’s far easier to walk away than fix things. It pains me to agree, but Colin Powell was correct with his Pottery Barn analogy – and we broke it. As much as I’d love to see us get out of Iraq painlessly, it’s not gonna happen, it’s gonna cost us lots of money and, grievously, many more lives.
Wouldn’t we be better off saying thus: This administration lied to us (both Congress and the public) and buffaloed into a war we didn’t need to fight against an enemy who was not a threat. Wishing it were otherwise does not change the facts in hand.
Finally, with respect to the $25B – I don’t think that there’s any real choice about supporting it. However, there is nothing that prevents the Democrats from pressing really, really hard for adult supervision of the spending. Let the r’s try and defend the position of not holding the administration strictly responsible and accountable.
Kerry won’t get anywhere proposing a plan to unscramble Bush’s omlette. All he needs to do is point to Bush’s incompetence and remind people what he would have done different, everything from Tora Bora to the UN to WMD to military preparation to coalition building and on and on. It isn’t rocket science, you just need to get the Wastrel Son out of the White House, Duh.
I’ve been impatient at times too with what I thought was Kerry’s lack of leadership on this issue. Not any longer. I don’t think he should offer more substantive comments on Iraq until after June 30th. Nothing good for Bush or our country will happen in Iraq before then, so, patience, let events unfold in Iraq, and more knives sharpen in DC. Let anti-occupation sentiment build. I think the American media is awake enough now not to fall back to sleep on July 1. Who can predict how July will play out in Iraq, except that it is likely to be just as bad as now? Which, I think, will dismay more of us, especially those not yet paying close attention. THEN let Kerry start speaking out.
This is a bizarre blog entry. The premise seems to be that Kerry’s position should be based entirely on what will fly politically rather than on what will actually work for Iraq and for our country. While I grant that he needs to present his position in a way that is politically palatable, there needs to be more too it than that.
In addition, the problem is not just that public opinion in the US is shifting, it is that the situation in Iraq is shifting rapidly. Bush has trouble enough keeping ahead of the situation on the ground, and he has some nominal influence on it. Kerry has absolutely no power to influence events at this point. Things will change so much every week for the next six month, there is no way that any position he takes could hold water for long.
So what should he do? He should make himself trustworthy. He should present general principals of international cooperation and values-based foreign policy. He should avoid specifics on the war (because they will go stale too quickly). In short, he should keep doing what he has been doing. Once he gets elected and takes office he can take stock of the situation and decide what actions are appropriate at that time.
they are over here, because we are over there-patrick j buchanan, the founding fathers warned of foriegn entanglments, the best way to get out of a mess is not to get in it in the first place, i haven’t voted democratic since 1987, but am so disgusted with this mess i wil hold my nose and vote for kerry, the only democratic i actually like was dean,i like john mc cain, “independents”, i think kerry can make friends with alienated former allies, bush not only angers me he frightens me, the major problem is NOT getting out of iraq, its getting the religious white out of the white house..
P.S. (answer the original question, Lawrence)
How do we get out?
BEG FOR HELP!!!!!!
I disagree. Although I personally was against the war from the start (taking over other countries that are going to hell within their own borders is not allowed), once we broke it, we have to see that it is fixed.
It is the “conservatives” who have been promoting the philosophy for decades that you don’t have to take care of other people. Let them reap the whirlwind as more and more “conservatives” say “to hell with the iraqis” and call on the administration to get out.
That leaves us as the responsible party and holding the moral high ground.
The difference then is that the democratic party wants to give a safe Iraq back to its people whereas the republican party wants to keep Iraq for itself. And, as long as Iraq is not stable, they have an ironclad excuse for doing whatever they want with it.
This is not a good position for democrats to find ourselves in, although it could be worse since W has proved to be such a scew-up.
Just imagine where we would be at if he had proven to be an efficient and successful imperialist…