I was sorry to learn of the sudden death of 2000 Democratic vice presidential nominee Joe Lieberman. But his long and stormy career did offer some important lessons about party loyalty, which I wrote about at New York:
Joe Lieberman was active in politics right up to the end. The former senator was the founding co-chair of the nonpartisan group No Labels, which is laying the groundwork for a presidential campaign on behalf of a yet-to-be-identified bipartisan “unity ticket.” Lieberman did not live to see whether No Labels will run a candidate. He died on Wednesday at 82 due to complications from a fall. But this last political venture was entirely in keeping with his long career as a self-styled politician of the pragmatic center, which often took him across party boundaries.
Lieberman’s first years in Connecticut Democratic politics as a state legislator and then state attorney general were reasonably conventional. He was known for a particular interest in civil rights and environmental protection, and his identity as an observant Orthodox Jew also drew attention. But in 1988, the Democrat used unconventional tactics in his challenge to Republican U.S. senator Lowell Weicker. Lieberman positioned himself to the incumbent’s right on selected issues, like Ronald Reagan’s military operations against Libya and Grenada. He also capitalized on longtime conservative resentment of his moderate opponent, winning prized endorsements from William F. and James Buckley, icons of the right. Lieberman won the race narrowly in an upset.
Almost immediately, Senator Lieberman became closely associated with the Democratic Leadership Council. The group of mostly moderate elected officials focused on restoring the national political viability of a party that had lost five of the six previous presidential elections; it soon produced a president in Bill Clinton. Lieberman became probably the most systematically pro-Clinton (or in the parlance of the time, “New Democrat”) member of Congress. This gave his 1998 Senate speech condemning the then-president’s behavior in the Monica Lewinsky scandal as “immoral” and “harmful” a special bite. He probably did Clinton a favor by setting the table for a reprimand that fell short of impeachment and removal, but without question, the narrative was born of Lieberman being disloyal to his party.
Perhaps it was his public scolding of Clinton that convinced Al Gore, who was struggling to separate himself from his boss’s misconduct, to lift Lieberman to the summit of his career. Gore tapped the senator to be his running mate in the 2000 election, making him the first Jewish vice-presidential candidate of a major party. He was by all accounts a disciplined and loyal running mate, at least until that moment during the Florida recount saga when he publicly disclaimed interest in challenging late-arriving overseas military ballots against the advice of the Gore campaign. You could argue plausibly that the ticket would have never been in a position to potentially win the state without Lieberman’s appeal in South Florida to Jewish voters thrilled by his nomination to become vice-president. But many Democrats bitter about the loss blamed Lieberman.
As one of the leaders of the “Clintonian” wing of his party, Lieberman was an early front-runner for the 2004 presidential nomination. A longtime supporter of efforts to topple Saddam Hussein, Lieberman had voted to authorize the 2003 invasion of Iraq, like his campaign rivals John Kerry and John Edwards and other notable senators including Hillary Clinton. Unlike most other Democrats, though, Lieberman did not back off this position when the Iraq War became a deadly quagmire. Ill-aligned with his party to an extent he did not seem to perceive, his presidential campaign quickly flamed out, but not before he gained enduring mockery for claiming “Joe-mentum” from a fifth-place finish in New Hampshire.
Returning to the Senate, Lieberman continued his increasingly lonely support for the Iraq War (alongside other heresies to liberalism, such as his support for private-school education vouchers in the District of Columbia). In 2006, Lieberman drew a wealthy primary challenger, Ned Lamont, who soon had a large antiwar following in Connecticut and nationally. As the campaign grew heated, President George W. Bush gave his Democratic war ally a deadly gift by embracing him and kissing his cheek after the State of the Union Address. This moment, memorialized as “The Kiss,” became central to the Lamont campaign’s claim that Lieberman had left his party behind, and the challenger narrowly won the primary. However, Lieberman ran against him in the general election as an independent, with significant back-channel encouragement from the Bush White House (which helped prevent any strong Republican candidacy). Lieberman won a fourth and final term in the Senate with mostly GOP and independent votes. He was publicly endorsed by Newt Gingrich and Rudy Giuliani, among others from what had been the enemy camp.
The 2006 repudiation by his party appeared to break something in Lieberman. This once-happiest of happy political warriors, incapable of holding a grudge, seemed bitter, or at the very least gravely offended, even as he remained in the Senate Democratic Caucus (albeit as formally independent). When his old friend and Iraq War ally John McCain ran for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, Lieberman committed a partisan sin by endorsing him. His positioning between the two parties, however, still cost him dearly: McCain wanted to choose him as his running mate, before the Arizonan’s staff convinced him that Lieberman’s longtime pro-choice views and support for LGBTQ rights would lead to a convention revolt. The GOP nominee instead went with a different “high-risk, high-reward” choice: Sarah Palin.
After Barack Obama’s victory over Lieberman’s candidate, the new Democratic president needed every Democratic senator to enact the centerpiece of his agenda, the Affordable Care Act. He got Lieberman’s vote — but only after the senator, who represented many of the country’s major private-insurance companies, forced the elimination of the “public option” in the new system. It was a bitter pill for many progressives, who favored a more robust government role in health insurance than Obama had proposed.
By the time Lieberman chose to retire from the Senate in 2012, he was very near to being a man without a party, and he reflected that status by refusing to endorse either Obama or Mitt Romney that year. By then, he was already involved in the last great project of his political career, No Labels. He did, with some hesitation, endorse Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump in 2016. But his long odyssey away from the yoke of the Democratic Party had largely landed him in a nonpartisan limbo. Right up until his death, he was often the public face of No Labels, particularly after the group’s decision to sponsor a presidential ticket alienated many early supporters of its more quotidian efforts to encourage bipartisan “problem-solving” in Congress.
Some will view Lieberman as a victim of partisan polarization, and others as an anachronistic member of a pro-corporate, pro-war bipartisan elite who made polarization necessary. Personally, I will remember him as a politician who followed — sometimes courageously, sometimes foolishly — a path that made him blind to the singular extremism that one party has exhibited throughout the 21st century, a development he tried to ignore to his eventual marginalization. But for all his flaws, I have no doubt Joe Lieberman remained until his last breath committed to the task he often cited via the Hebrew term tikkun olam: repairing a broken world.
If whether or not the war is worth fighting is being ignored it is because the question is moot. No, it was never worth fighting, but it is being fought. The question of the moment, the one that requires an answer today is whether to continue this fiasco or leave Iraq to its own or the UN’s devices, and the UN is very reluctant to take it on (with no blame for me on that score). At this point, as much as I hate this fiasco, what we need to do is put someone who is competent in charge, which leaves the entire Bush administration out. I do not think we can just walk away now. We can’t leave a total mess. That does not answer American interests. Mind you, it is a total mess right now, but picking up our ball and going home will be an even greater disservice to the Iraqi people than plunging their country into chaos has been.
eh, I don’t know what’s good politics, but I can’t imagine a really concrete ‘exit strategy’ is feasible or wise at this point. We ought to start planning of course, but we can only plan contingencies – the events of the next few months will be largely dependent on the thoughts and actions of Iraqis, and depending on this very uncertain variable the best strategy could change any number of ways, most of which will probably be unforseen. Not only would a firm exit strategy be impractical, but it would also be an obvious boon the enemies of Iraq and the US. The best Kerry – and Bush, for that matter – can and should offer is a vision of realistic goals to achieve and, as importantly, a determination to achieve them.
It won’t be McCain or any Republican — in fact I doubt if it will be someone currently in congress — Kerry needs someone slightly more of a populist, and with few obvious ties with the beltway. Richardson, Vilsack — or as thngs move along, I see an argument for Wesley Clark increasing in value.
What’s happening to Bush right nos is a near perfect storm — everything is coming up a cropper, and he doesn’t seem to be able to take effective action on any of it. It is going to be a difficult time till the election, but with Bush unable to change his mind on ANYTHING — admit that any policy was anything but perfect — he is walking into the storm eyes wide open, and into the arms of disaster.
I am worried about Nader — does Kerry have a decent plan to attack him nicely, politely, to cut off his support? It needs to be done before Nader gets any sort of core support that seems organized.
why are we still talking about a kerry/mccain ticket? is it just fantasizing? like the cubs winning the world series?
is there anybody who thinks john mccain would actually accept the nomination?
Ruy, in case you’re passing through: are you aware this site has, in the past day or two, turned into a browser-eater? I can’t exit the site without closing down the browser entirely — and this has happened from both my home and work computers. Anything you can do to fix it is appreciated.
I agree that Kerrey doesn’t need to be signaling intentions of withdrawing from Iraq at this point in the campaign. But neither can he permit the perception that he is advocating essentially the same thing as Bush. At some point before november he will have to distinguish his foreign policy approach, and it will probably fall again on the good will he can muster from the international community. It would help if he could be seen building bridges with europe. I bet even england would welcome him this summer. It might be fodder for Bush and Cheney in their attacks, but moderate voters could really appreciate a leader who is respected and welcomed on the world stage, as opposed to our current president who is an international pariah.
The Alliance for Justice has launched a new website urging Justice Scalia to recuse himself from the Cheney energy case! Check it out: http://www.ChooseToRecuse.org Scalia can recuse himself anytime before the Supreme Court renders its decision.
There is a great flash animation that goes with it too. You have to see “Quid Pro Quack” http://www.allianceforjustice.org/action/scalia/flash.htm Duck’em!
I don’t see that Kerry needs to start speaking about withdrawal from Iraq. Bushco is standing by the June 30 deadline for ‘sovereignty’ handover and I think it’s quite possible that soon after that, they’ll start a major drawdown of troops. They won’t say that’s what they’re doing, but that’s what they’ll be doing. That way, they will get what they hope will be the best possible spin — soldiers coming home (mollify the increasingly upset military families) and Iraqi ‘independence’ run by John Negroponte. Let’s see how well this half-baked scheme does in the oven before talking about what Kerry needs to add to the recipe.
One thing I really don’t want to see happen is the Republicans being able to point to ‘political pressure’ from the election campaign as a reason for whatever amount of withdrawal they are eventually forced to do. If they can do that, it might help mitigate the anger their base will feel at them for not ‘following through’ and ‘standing tall’.
This bunch of bad actors is so aware of all the ways available for deflecting hatred and avoiding accountability. Kerry has to be very careful.
McCain as VP nominee is a tantalizing notion. But I hope it will not happen. He differs substanially with Kerry in his views on so many big issues that, even though the media still has not had its fill of him, it doesn’t seem as though it would work in practice.
At this point I’m hoping it will be either Edwards or Vilsack for VP. Alternatively, Edwards might make a terrific Attorney General.
Ah, but first things first…
Marcus:
In the case of the President dying while in office,the Presidency will go to the vice president.Also, the VP slot is traditionally regarded as a launching pad for the Veep’s own Presidential bid.
No way the Democrats are going to risk it.
Andrew Sullivan (who used to be an enthusiastic supporter of “Shrub” in the war on terror) suggests the latest scandal makes a Kerry/McCain ticket seem even more attractive.
http://www.tnr.com/doc.mhtml?i=express&s=sullivan051104
If McCain agreed to help his good friend (and remember: he reportedly loathes Bush…), would it be a plus or minus for Kerry? A few thoughts —
+Great bipartisan “save America” dream team (McCain is possibly the most popular national GOP politician among independents and Democrats).
+Awesome national defense credibility.
+It might beef up Kerry’s centrist credentials as a balanced budget, tough-on-defense liberal hawk.
+It would showcase how “inclusive” the Democrats are, if an anti-abortion GOP senator is made VP nominee.
-The result might be an ideological mess, showing Kerry/McCain don’t stand for anything except an obsession with beating Bush at any costs?
-As a result, Nader might siphon off even more voters from disgruntled war opponents and the far left.
-McCain’s defection from the GOP might badly damage his credibility as a straight shooter, which until now has been his main asset.
– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –
Yes, I know it remains a far fetched idea. But it’s fun to speculate, nonetheless.
MARCU$
> I am struck by how much of the current debate
> between supporters and opponents of the Iraq
> war ignores the fundamental issue which many
> pollsters and those they poll have locked onto.
> The issue is whether or not this war was worth
> fighting.
There is indeed a thousand-mile chasm between war proponents and opponents in this regard, sigh. Both sides basically accuse each other of being stupid, reckless and naive. And they draw entirely different conclusions based on 9/11.
> It is wrong to wage war against a sovereign
> nation that has not attacked the United States.
Oh, I agree 100% with you.
I just don’t follow the logic of the pro-war side. Let’s examine their rationale on a “personal level”, though. Suppose you *suspect* a certain “evil person” is out to get you. Does this mean you have a right to preemptively kill him or even storm his compound? Of course not. It is the same story regardless of whether we are discussing individuals or states. Now, the neo-cons claim we are essentially hiding our heads in the sand while blindly trusting that the bad guy won’t harm us. Utter rubbish! If the CIA is reporting Al Qaeda is planning to strike on U.S. soil and airplanes “somehow” will be involved (as they did in August 2001 while “Shrub” conveniently was strutting around on vacation in Crawford, TX), you can strengthen airport security and issue a warning to the U.S. public. You don’t launch a major invasion based on at best circumstantial evidence, though.
: “Shades of Vietnam! “?? Ruy, what are you
: writing? are you actually happy that everying
: that’s happened in the last few weeks has come
: to pass?
Of course it’s a tragedy, but I think the bad news is essentially inevitable and a result of this Administration’s numerous screw-ups. In that case, doesn’t it make sense to hope voters will clearly see the consequences of these policies before the November elections, ensuring the usual suspects in the White House won’t get a chance to do even worse things in 2005-08?
MARCU$
“Shades of Vietnam! “?? Ruy, what are you writing? are you actually happy that everying that’s happened in the last few weeks has come to pass? Maybe I misunderstand you, but bogged down = people dying, Iraqis and Americans alike.
Yes, in a certain way, I’m glad that our body politic is *finally* realizing the idiocy of Bush’s Iraq strategy (fyi, Fareed Zakaria has an amazing column in the next newsweek condemning the neo-con strategy, http://msnbc.msn.com/id/4933882/).
however, while I too am “glad” that the warnigs of those of us who opposed Bush’s war have been validated within the last month, let’s not forget what this means in terms of the people who have to pay the price for the Bush Administration’s hubris.
The exit strategy is very simple. The war in Iraq is simply over! Who are we fighting there and why? No good answers. Kerry should simply declare that combat with the people of Iraq is irrelevant to the “war” on terror. The iraqis and the rest of the world would respect us more if we just pulled up stakes and leave. Let a real international peacekeeping mission sort it out. Kerry needs to make it clear to americans that he has the diplomatic capital to make it happen. And when Bush asks him to name names in the debates tell him “can’t, its a violation of executive privilege, George”.
Don’t worry about it, Joe. Before the leaves fall, Kerry will be committed to an American withdrawal within six months of inauguration.
As America’s enthusiasm for the Iraq war declines, I become more concerned about Ralph Nader’s position. He says we must get out in six months. As the situation worsens there, more Americans will come to agree with him, especially Democrats.
That could result in Nader peeling off more support for Kerry whose position is perceived as vaguely supportive of staying the course.
C. Ama-
Go on with your bad self!
Well stated.
Reality Check
for those who wonder why Kerry isn’t ahead:
June 1992
Bush approval rating below 40%,
but Gallup has
Bush 48
Clinton 40
May 1980
Carter approval 44%
Carter 40
Reagan 32
Anderson 21
May 2004
Bush approval 46%
Bush 48
Kerry 47
I see defeated presidents… but they don’t know they’re defeated…
See also
May 1988
Dukakis 52
Bush 38
May 1968
Humphry 42
Nixon 36
Wallace 14
Say goodbye, George…
The text of Kerry’s speech reads in part:
“The common foe we face today is different in every way, but fully as dangerous, as the one that Churchill so famously described here.”
Maybe he ad libbed it into the speech. Maybe I just missed it in the text. But I did not find in the text of the speech a statement saying who in his mind is our “common foe” today. For me, reading the text of the speech came off as having a “disconnect” in this way.
I am struck by how much of the current debate between supporters and opponents of the Iraq war ignores the fundamental issue which many pollsters and those they poll have locked onto. The issue is whether or not this war was worth fighting. These endless discussions about process and consequence ignore the simple truth that this adventure was doomed to fail, not from the first shot, but from the first thought. It is wrong to wage war against a sovereign nation that has not attacked the United States. Period. This war has no chance of success because the very fact of its existence means we have failed. We, the American people, failed to curtail the grand ambitions of an arrogant, incompetent, intellectually stunted president. This president failed to recognize the folly of applying a long-standing pipe dream (the neo-cons’ dream of Middle-East conquest) to the Global War on Terrorism. Ostensibly responsible members of the administration failed by deferring to the majesty of the office, rather than loudly and publicly denouncing Bush and the cabal before they could drag us into this nightmare. There is no way to finesse a good solution to a situation born of an inherently evil act. The first death to result from this war was a stain on the soul of this nation. It is tragic to have to ask now, so many deaths later, whether or when it is appropriate to cut and run. If we pack up and leave now, leaving the objective unfulfilled, we admit that every one of those deaths was pointless. The only other option is to stay, knowing that every lost life will be lost in the service of a goal that was, from the beginning, pointless. I hope that God and history judge America more kindly than we deserve.
Thank you.
I wish his support was lower. It is mind boggling to me that half the population still thinks he is doing something worthwhile in Iraq.