The reaction among Democrats to Donald Trump’s return to power has been significantly more subdued than what we saw in 2016 after the mogul’s first shocking electoral win. The old-school “resistance” is dead, and it’s not clear what will replace it. But Democratic elected officials are developing new strategies for dealing with the new realities in Washington. Here are five distinct approaches that have emerged, even before Trump’s second administration has begun.
Some Democrats are so thoroughly impressed by the current power of the MAGA movement they are choosing to surrender to it in significant respects. The prime example is Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, the onetime fiery populist politician who is now becoming conspicuous in his desire to admit his party’s weaknesses and snuggle up to the new regime. The freshman and one-time ally of Bernie Sanders has been drifting away from the left wing of his party for a good while, particularly via his vocally unconditional backing for Israel during its war in Gaza. But now he’s making news regularly for taking steps in Trump’s direction.
Quite a few Democrats publicly expressed dismay over Joe Biden’s pardon of his son Hunter, but Fetterman distinguished himself by calling for a corresponding pardon for Trump over his hush-money conviction in New York. Similarly, many Democrats have discussed ways to reach out to the voters they have lost to Trump. Fetterman’s approach was to join Trump’s Truth Social platform, which is a fever swamp for the president-elect’s most passionate supporters. Various Democrats are cautiously circling Elon Musk, Trump’s new best friend and potential slayer of the civil-service system and the New Deal–Great Society legacy of federal programs. But Fetterman seems to want to become Musk’s buddy, too, exchanging compliments with him in a sort of weird courtship. Fetterman has also gone out of his way to exhibit openness to support for Trump’s controversial Cabinet nominees even as nearly every other Senate Democrat takes the tack of forcing Republicans to take a stand on people like Pete Hegseth before weighing in themselves.
It’s probably germane to Fetterman’s conduct that he will be up for reelection in 2028, a presidential-election year in a state Trump carried on November 5. Or maybe he’s just burnishing his credentials as the maverick who blew up the Senate dress code.
Other Democrats are being much more selectively friendly to Trump, searching for “common ground” on issues where they believe he will be cross-pressured by his wealthy backers and more conventional Republicans. Like Fetterman, these Democrats — including Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren — tend to come from the progressive wing of the party and have longed chafed at the centrist economic policies advanced by Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and, to some extent, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. They’ve talked about strategically encouraging Trump’s “populist” impulses on such issues as credit-card interest and big-tech regulation, partly as a matter of forcing the new president and his congressional allies to put up or shut up.
So the idea is to push off a discredited Democratic Establishment, at least on economic issues, and either accomplish things for working-class voters in alliance with Trump or prove the hollowness of his “populism.”
Colorado governor Jared Solis has offered a similar strategy of selective cooperation by praising the potential agenda of Trump HHS secretary nominee, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., as helpfully “shaking up” the medical and scientific Establishment.
At the other end of the spectrum, some centrist Democrats are pushing off what they perceive as a discredited progressive ascendancy in the party, especially on culture-war issues and immigration. The most outspoken of them showed up at last week’s annual meeting of the avowedly nonpartisan No Labels organization, which was otherwise dominated by Republicans seeking to demonstrate a bit of independence from the next administration. These include vocal critics of the 2024 Democratic message like House members Jared Golden, Marie Gluesenkamp Perez, Ritchie Torres, and Seth Moulton, along with wannabe 2025 New Jersey gubernatorial candidate Josh Gottheimer (his Virginia counterpart, Abigail Spanberger, wasn’t at the No Labels confab but is similarly positioned ideologically).
From a strategic point of view, these militant centrists appear to envision a 2028 presidential campaign that will take back the voters Biden won in 2020 and Harris lost this year.
We’re beginning to see the emergence of a faction of Democrats that is willing to cut policy or legislative deals with Team Trump in order to protect some vulnerable constituencies from MAGA wrath. This is particularly visible on the immigration front; some congressional Democrats are talking about cutting a deal to support some of Trump’s agenda in exchange for continued protection from deportation of DREAMers. Politico reports:
“The prize that many Democrats would like to secure is protecting Dreamers — Americans who came with their families to the U.S. at a young age and have since been protected by the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program created by President Barack Obama in 2012.
“Trump himself expressed an openness to ‘do something about the Dreamers’ in a recent ‘Meet the Press’ interview. But he would almost certainly want significant policy concessions in return, including border security measures and changes to asylum law that Democrats have historically resisted.”
On a broader front, the New York Times has found significant support among Democratic governors to selectively cooperate with the new administration’s “mass deportation” plans in exchange for concessions:
“In interviews, 11 Democratic governors, governors-elect and candidates for the office often expressed defiance toward Mr. Trump’s expected immigration crackdown — but were also strikingly willing to highlight areas of potential cooperation.
“Several balanced messages of compassion for struggling migrants with a tough-on-crime tone. They said that they were willing to work with the Trump administration to deport people who had been convicted of serious crimes and that they wanted stricter border control, even as they vowed to defend migrant families and those fleeing violence in their home countries, as well as businesses that rely on immigrant labor.”
While the Democrats planning strategic cooperation with Trump are getting a lot of attention, it’s clear the bulk of elected officials and activists are more quietly waiting for the initial fallout from the new regime to develop while planning ahead for a Democratic comeback. This is particularly true among the House Democratic leadership, which hopes to exploit the extremely narrow Republican majority in the chamber (which will be exacerbated by vacancies for several months until Trump appointees can be replaced in special elections) on must-pass House votes going forward, while looking ahead with a plan to aggressively contest marginal Republican-held seats in the 2026 midterms. Historical precedents indicate very high odds that Democrats can flip the House in 2026, bringing a relatively quick end to any Republican legislative steamrolling on Trump’s behalf and signaling good vibes for 2028.
I agree completely with Neuhauser and Hapin. I would add two points. 1)Since many social and environmental needs are being neglected and even under the so-called “full employment” of the Clinton years, there weren’t enough jobs available, we need greatly increased federal funding for public-service jobs. 2) We need to reverse Clinton’s negation of federal responsibility for basic economic welfare.
The Third-Way’s new report is a far slicker coverage of their thesis than reviewed last summer. But it basically contains the fatal flaws pointed out by John Halpin in Truth-Telling, Populism and Inspirational Politics.
I think Third Way overstates and mischaracterizes what they call the neo-populist position when they make the case for its desrire to “recapture a bygone era” with outmoded solutions. However, that is to be expected since in order to the a “third” way, there must be two other, opposing camps to place yourself in opposition to. (Sort of a tiresome, academic literalness to it all, but not as badly done as the DLC which often resorts to distorted right-wing attacks on the left in order to create a “center” for itself.)
But the fundamental hook they hang their hat on for “de-bunking” the concerns of the “neopopulists” is the graph of the distribution of income by age class. While it does illuminate the age-diversity of income distribution hidden behind a single number of “All Households”, they assert that this very existence proves their point.
But that same distribution would have been true in the past as well.
The question is not just: Is there a spread in 2005? but it is rather: Is that curve significantly different than it was in the past? The curve has always been there, and prime-age earners have presumably always been better off than the average. Duh.
So, does this really tell us anything about their claim that “the middle class is just doing just fine, thanks!”? No.
The other argument they make is that, “Neopopulism feeds off of broad economic dissatisfaction and pessimism, but public opinion polls consistently show Americans to be optimistic about their personal finances.” Then they just ignore the “broad economic dissatisfaction and pessimism” because of the “personal optimism”. Futhermore, they ignore studies showing a much greater concern for whether people think their kids will be better off or not — and from personal anecdotes I can tell that concern has reached surprisingly high levels of the middle class.
I think they miss an important issue here — this is the same phenomenon with Congress (they’re terrible, but mine is ok) and schools (the system is bad, but mine is ok). According to Third Way’s methodology, Congress is doing great! Schools are doing great! The middle class is doing great! I’ve got a life jacket, so I don’t know what the dissatisfaction is with the Titanic — cruises are fun!
I don’t buy it and I think they do a disservice to ignore the broad dissatisfaction. There are important things underlying it.
What this Third Way sanguinity leads to is a set of policies that feel extremely incremental as it doesn’t recognize that we are in the midst of a great upheaval as important as the turn of the last century. There are three great global issues impacting everyone in America:
– globalized terrrorism
– global warming
– globalization’s commoditization of work
To be concerned about these issues as a concern for the future well-being of their children and grandchildren is not necessarily to be a Chicken Little. Nor does it require you to assume that the entire system must be chucked for some wild-eyed notion. Nor does it mean that “neopopulists” have no hope or optimism about the future — just that they think there is more to work on and bolder plans to lay.
When I looked at Third Ways solutions, they are basically:
More education
Retrain obsoleted workers
Tweak savings incentives
Give newborns a savings account
Tweak savings incentives some more
Be nicer to families with kids
Be nicer to families caring for their parents
Do more R&D
Have a more efficient healthcare industry
(One of the troubling aspect of the “nicer to family” solutions is that they are purely about more availability of services and tax (money), one the big issues are around time — it can take so much time to care for an older parent that you can’t work as much and so are earning less when your costs go up.)
All of these assume that people can afford to buy all the insurance and education and retraining and other things Third Way thinks they should and furthermore that they already pay enough in taxes to get back some meaningful amount in tax breaks to pay for them.
Which goes back to the core assumption of the Third Way: people make enough money, we just need to incentivize them to spend it more wisely.
But the reason 40M Americans don’t have healthcare isn’t because they they feel they aren’t getting a big enough tax break to justify buying healthcare insurance! The reason is they don’t have a spare $15,000/year to buy it on the open market themselves, no matter what tax incentives you give.
(I would note that this approach is the same thinking behind Bush’s health insurance “reform” pitched at the 2007 State of the Union.)
The reason this “agenda” sounds so paltry is that … it is!. And the reason for it goes back to the beginning — they think the status quo is basically fine, so clearly what is needed is an era of tweaking a few things to make them a little better.
Happy Days are already here!