The following article stub by Ruy Teixeira, politics editor of The Liberal Patriot newsletter, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and author of major works of political analysis, is cross-posted from The Liberal Patriot:
Once upon a time, Democrats said this:
We can move towards a sustainable energy-independent future if we harness all of America’s great natural resources. That means an all-of-the-above approach to developing America’s many energy resources, including wind, solar, biofuels, geothermal, hydropower, nuclear, oil, clean coal, and natural gas. President Obama has encouraged innovation to reach his goal of generating 80 percent of our electricity from clean energy sources by 2035…We can further cut our reliance on oil with increased energy efficiency in buildings, industry, and homes, and through the promotion of advanced vehicles, fuel economy standards, and the greater use of natural gas in transportation.
That was in the Democratic Party platform for 2012. But Democrats changed their tune as the decade progressed. Obama’s continued commitment to an all-of-the-above energy policy started to be relentlessly attacked as insufficiently progressive. In 2014, 18 environmental organizations, including Earthjustice, the Environmental Defense Fund, the League of Conservation Voters, the Natural Resources Defense Council, and the Sierra Club sent Obama a sternly worded protest letter. They characterized his policy as “a compromise that future generations can’t afford. It…locks in the extraction of fossil fuels that will inevitably lead to a catastrophic climate future.” By the late teens, Democrats were in a completely different space than 2012.
In February 2019, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) and Senator Edward Markey (D-MA) formally introduced a congressional resolution advocating a Green New Deal. This Green New Deal proposal was everything the increasingly radical climate movement could have wished for and more. The proposal affirmed that the United States must become net zero on carbon emissions by 2030 through a dramatic and far-reaching transformation of every aspect of the economy. And far from entailing sacrifice, this economic transformation would provide full employment in high-wage jobs, accompanied by universal high-quality health care and housing. It would end all oppression of indigenous people, “communities of color,” migrant communities, and other “frontline and vulnerable communities.”
The proposal generated enormous publicity and was injected into the mainstream of Democratic Party discourse. Six Senators who would become contenders for the Democratic presidential nomination endorsed it: Cory Booker (D-NJ), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), Kamala Harris (D-CA), Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), Bernie Sanders (I-VT), and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA). Sanders would go on to release a $16.3 trillion Green New Deal plan of his own during his campaign for the Democratic nomination.
Of course, none of these hopefuls garnered the Democratic nomination; Joe Biden did. However, while Biden declined to specifically endorse and use the Green New Deal language, he did put forward his own ambitious climate plan that was essentially a softer version of the Green New Deal proposals. And once in office he very much pursued his plan, resulting in his administration’s last major legislative accomplishment, the big climate bill disingenuously labeled the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA).
But the Democratic tune is changing once again. As Trump cancels or cuts back much of the IRA with remarkably little public protest, Democrats are starting to realize their Green New Deal-type plans are out of step with both the physical realities of America’s thirst for energy in the age of AI and what American voters actually want from their energy system. Their grand plans just don’t have much support, outside of professional class liberals and climate NGOs. A recent Politico article reported on the vibe shift:
“There’s no way around it: The left strategy on climate needs to be rethought,” said Jody Freeman, who served as counselor for energy and climate change in President Barack Obama’s White House. “We’ve lost the culture war on climate, and we have to figure out a way for it to not be a niche leftist movement.”
It’s a strategy Freeman admitted she was “struggling” to articulate, but one that included using natural gas as a “bridge fuel” to more renewable power—an approach Democrats embraced during the Obama administration—finding “a new approach” for easing permits for energy infrastructure and building broad-based political support.
The reality Freeman and other Democrats are waking up to is powerfully illustrated in a new AEI report, “The Science vs. the Narrative vs. the Voters: Clarifying the Public Debate Around Energy and Climate,” by myself and my AEI colleague, Roger Pielke, Jr. To support our effort to clarify that debate, we fielded the AEI 2024 Energy/Climate Survey about a month before the 2024 election. The survey asked more than 3,000 registered voters about their views on trends in extreme weather, IPCC climate projections, climate tipping points, favored energy sources, priorities and preferences on energy policy, willingness to bear costs to fight climate change, personal energy consumption behavior, and much more.
Here are some findings that show why Democrats are warming back up to all-of-the-above—and why the Green New Deal is basically dead.
First, what are voters’ overall views on the appropriate energy strategy for the United States? Answer: it’s all-of-the-above and it isn’t even close!




Funny you reference Barack Obama’s 2012 campaign. Because that campaign adopted a base strategy. For example Obama embraced the Affordable Care Act despite it being unpopular at the time. So, it’s awfully curious to see you and your Liberal Patriot lackeys cite that as an example of centrism winning. Gotta watch out for their habit of twisting history to deal with how lethal the 21st century has been to the center.
Why was the campaign run that way? Because back when race was a stronger indicator of how you’ll vote, Obama’s fate depended largely on how white the electorate was. This analysis of polls from 2012 helps explain it:
https://web.archive.org/web/20250523180748/https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2012/05/how-white-will-the-electorate-be.html
Racial voting has of course changed since then. And to his credit, Texeira has over and over again pointed this out. But to his discredit, he seems unwilling to admit that it’s the new normal. He sees it as an accident created by the Democrats going too far left. Except that it seems to be more or less worldwide. For example, Keir Starmer in the UK did about as well with people of color as Jeremy Corbyn despite those elections being Conservative and Labour landslides. In the all but certain event that Starmer does worse the second time, you can bet that Labour will lose a lot of these groups’ votes.
And Starmer’s centrist government does it the Texeira way.
If you are going to use comparative political science, why not discuss why the far left in Europe hasn’t been able to capitalize from any of the developments since the Great Recession either?
Or how it fizzled after gaining some power in Italy, Spain and Greece? Or how it mismanaged its gains in the last French election?
Or how the Sahra Wagenknecht party was able to gains adherents after breaking with the far left on immigration?
Or how the Scandinavian Social Democratic parties also turned against immigration?
You can also analyze the wholesale disappearance of even the center left in so many Eastern European countries, where nowadays only the center, the right, the far right and the even further right exist.
You should look at the dominant role of the culture wars in all these cases, as well as the backlash from financial markets in making sure that when the left did sort of win, nothing got done.
I do concede that the left can’t seem to avoid the cycle. But here’s the thing. The center, at least in the U.S., has had a significantly worse track record over the past generation. Moderates have lost representation in government in all but two of these cycles (2006 and 2018). By their own self-pitying admission, they have become an endangered species. And mostly because of general elections.
The moderates squandered the Great Recession (2009) after they were given a mandate due to the failed War on Terror (2006).
They did so bad that by 2018 there were in fact no moderates left because elections were being decided by the tiniest of minorities and gerrymandering made it harder to get elected.
But if you use 2018 as reference, we see that moderates since then have directed almost all their efforts at “moderation” at economic issues and not cultural ones. They are glad to shut up about the excesses of the cultural left.
This is how we get bisexual Sinema smiling while voting against the minimum wage.
Actually, the public’s rejection of moderates has been much more fundamental and indiscriminate than that. It also applies to Republicans. And no, you can’t just blame their purity tests. The blue waves of the 21st century hit them in greater proportions than those of the 20th. Here’s some examples of moderate-to-liberal Republicans who were beaten by Democrats: Nancy Johnson, Chris Shays, Jim Talent, Norm Coleman, Gordon Smith, Scott Brown, Larry Hogan.