By Alan Abramowitz
Perhaps you’ve seen or heard of an analysis by Michael Hout, a Berkeley sociologist, of the impact of e-voting in Florida. Hout and his associates claim that Bush did better than expected in the 15 Florida counties using e-voting. See the link below to their report.
I did my own analysis of their data. It does not support their conclusions. In fact, I find that Bush did slightly worse than expected in the 15 e-voting counties.
I did three things. First, I just compared the change in percent for Bush in Florida counties with and without e-voting. Contrary to their conclusion, Bush gained more support in counties without e-voting. Then I looked at a scatterplot of Bush2004% by Bush2000%. There is no indication at all here of any non-linearity in the relationship. Therefore, I cannot see why the Hout team added a quadratic term to the model. Then I did a regression analysis of Bush2004% with Bush2000% and a dummy variable for e-voting counties. The dummy variable had a negative but statistically insignificant effect. So if anything, Bush did slightly worse in 2004 in counties with e-voting when you control for his support in 2000. My guess is that this is because the e-voting counties tend to be in large metropolitan areas but Bush’s gains were greater in smaller, rural and exurban counties.
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Editor’s Corner
By Ed Kilgore
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March 28: RIP Joe Lieberman, a Democrat Who Lost His Way
I was sorry to learn of the sudden death of 2000 Democratic vice presidential nominee Joe Lieberman. But his long and stormy career did offer some important lessons about party loyalty, which I wrote about at New York:
Joe Lieberman was active in politics right up to the end. The former senator was the founding co-chair of the nonpartisan group No Labels, which is laying the groundwork for a presidential campaign on behalf of a yet-to-be-identified bipartisan “unity ticket.” Lieberman did not live to see whether No Labels will run a candidate. He died on Wednesday at 82 due to complications from a fall. But this last political venture was entirely in keeping with his long career as a self-styled politician of the pragmatic center, which often took him across party boundaries.
Lieberman’s first years in Connecticut Democratic politics as a state legislator and then state attorney general were reasonably conventional. He was known for a particular interest in civil rights and environmental protection, and his identity as an observant Orthodox Jew also drew attention. But in 1988, the Democrat used unconventional tactics in his challenge to Republican U.S. senator Lowell Weicker. Lieberman positioned himself to the incumbent’s right on selected issues, like Ronald Reagan’s military operations against Libya and Grenada. He also capitalized on longtime conservative resentment of his moderate opponent, winning prized endorsements from William F. and James Buckley, icons of the right. Lieberman won the race narrowly in an upset.
Almost immediately, Senator Lieberman became closely associated with the Democratic Leadership Council. The group of mostly moderate elected officials focused on restoring the national political viability of a party that had lost five of the six previous presidential elections; it soon produced a president in Bill Clinton. Lieberman became probably the most systematically pro-Clinton (or in the parlance of the time, “New Democrat”) member of Congress. This gave his 1998 Senate speech condemning the then-president’s behavior in the Monica Lewinsky scandal as “immoral” and “harmful” a special bite. He probably did Clinton a favor by setting the table for a reprimand that fell short of impeachment and removal, but without question, the narrative was born of Lieberman being disloyal to his party.
Perhaps it was his public scolding of Clinton that convinced Al Gore, who was struggling to separate himself from his boss’s misconduct, to lift Lieberman to the summit of his career. Gore tapped the senator to be his running mate in the 2000 election, making him the first Jewish vice-presidential candidate of a major party. He was by all accounts a disciplined and loyal running mate, at least until that moment during the Florida recount saga when he publicly disclaimed interest in challenging late-arriving overseas military ballots against the advice of the Gore campaign. You could argue plausibly that the ticket would have never been in a position to potentially win the state without Lieberman’s appeal in South Florida to Jewish voters thrilled by his nomination to become vice-president. But many Democrats bitter about the loss blamed Lieberman.
As one of the leaders of the “Clintonian” wing of his party, Lieberman was an early front-runner for the 2004 presidential nomination. A longtime supporter of efforts to topple Saddam Hussein, Lieberman had voted to authorize the 2003 invasion of Iraq, like his campaign rivals John Kerry and John Edwards and other notable senators including Hillary Clinton. Unlike most other Democrats, though, Lieberman did not back off this position when the Iraq War became a deadly quagmire. Ill-aligned with his party to an extent he did not seem to perceive, his presidential campaign quickly flamed out, but not before he gained enduring mockery for claiming “Joe-mentum” from a fifth-place finish in New Hampshire.
Returning to the Senate, Lieberman continued his increasingly lonely support for the Iraq War (alongside other heresies to liberalism, such as his support for private-school education vouchers in the District of Columbia). In 2006, Lieberman drew a wealthy primary challenger, Ned Lamont, who soon had a large antiwar following in Connecticut and nationally. As the campaign grew heated, President George W. Bush gave his Democratic war ally a deadly gift by embracing him and kissing his cheek after the State of the Union Address. This moment, memorialized as “The Kiss,” became central to the Lamont campaign’s claim that Lieberman had left his party behind, and the challenger narrowly won the primary. However, Lieberman ran against him in the general election as an independent, with significant back-channel encouragement from the Bush White House (which helped prevent any strong Republican candidacy). Lieberman won a fourth and final term in the Senate with mostly GOP and independent votes. He was publicly endorsed by Newt Gingrich and Rudy Giuliani, among others from what had been the enemy camp.
The 2006 repudiation by his party appeared to break something in Lieberman. This once-happiest of happy political warriors, incapable of holding a grudge, seemed bitter, or at the very least gravely offended, even as he remained in the Senate Democratic Caucus (albeit as formally independent). When his old friend and Iraq War ally John McCain ran for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, Lieberman committed a partisan sin by endorsing him. His positioning between the two parties, however, still cost him dearly: McCain wanted to choose him as his running mate, before the Arizonan’s staff convinced him that Lieberman’s longtime pro-choice views and support for LGBTQ rights would lead to a convention revolt. The GOP nominee instead went with a different “high-risk, high-reward” choice: Sarah Palin.
After Barack Obama’s victory over Lieberman’s candidate, the new Democratic president needed every Democratic senator to enact the centerpiece of his agenda, the Affordable Care Act. He got Lieberman’s vote — but only after the senator, who represented many of the country’s major private-insurance companies, forced the elimination of the “public option” in the new system. It was a bitter pill for many progressives, who favored a more robust government role in health insurance than Obama had proposed.
By the time Lieberman chose to retire from the Senate in 2012, he was very near to being a man without a party, and he reflected that status by refusing to endorse either Obama or Mitt Romney that year. By then, he was already involved in the last great project of his political career, No Labels. He did, with some hesitation, endorse Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump in 2016. But his long odyssey away from the yoke of the Democratic Party had largely landed him in a nonpartisan limbo. Right up until his death, he was often the public face of No Labels, particularly after the group’s decision to sponsor a presidential ticket alienated many early supporters of its more quotidian efforts to encourage bipartisan “problem-solving” in Congress.
Some will view Lieberman as a victim of partisan polarization, and others as an anachronistic member of a pro-corporate, pro-war bipartisan elite who made polarization necessary. Personally, I will remember him as a politician who followed — sometimes courageously, sometimes foolishly — a path that made him blind to the singular extremism that one party has exhibited throughout the 21st century, a development he tried to ignore to his eventual marginalization. But for all his flaws, I have no doubt Joe Lieberman remained until his last breath committed to the task he often cited via the Hebrew term tikkun olam: repairing a broken world.
I’m still waiting for someone to explain how most of the Florida counties ended up with the equivalent of 100% of registered Republican voters casting a ballot. That plus in some areas all the independents apparently voted republican as well as many Democrats.
I have lived in Florida for almost 40 yrs, most of my voting life, and this is the first time I have ever seen so many angry people going to vote. Yet the experts will have me to believe that these angry people cast their ballots for Bush? Angry people vote for change. They don’t vote to keep the cause of their problems.
I live in one of the optical scan counties which had a 100% Republican turnout plus all the other miracles which benefited Bush. It reminds me of a comment written by a gentleman who did a study of the 2000 election:
“Ballots were destroyed because they were cast for Gore. The probability that Escambia’s vote distribution occurred by chance is less than one chance in ten raised to the power 56 which means that the Escambia results are about as likely as Santa Claus, the Tooth Fairy and the Loch Ness monster running into one another at a Shriner’s convention.”
The Bush miracle that happend this time was even more astounding. Sorry guys, I’ve been watching this fraudulent panhandle for years and I quit believeing Santa Claus, the Easter Bunny, etc.,
many years ago.
I do believe that fraud took place on a massive scale in this recent election. I believe that the Republicans knew they could not count on another close call & the intervention of the SC, so they did what no one was counting on…. massive voter fraud. Most of it probably took place with the touch screen machines which cannot be checked but they went for optical scanners too, just like they did with the S-election of 2000 but on a larger scale. Here are some comments that a friend wrote about the Oklahoma Election which seems to have been another miraclous event for Bush:
“Recognizing most all newspapers print parcel voting results up to the time they go to press. In Tulsa this amounted to 70% of all the votes cast and the local conservative paper showed Kerry leading in 57 counties. That means with 70% of the vote total Kerry and bush had received a specific number of votes.
And when all 100% of the votes were counted 37,982 votes had been stolen from Kerry’s total as they appeared at the 70% count.. AND…… in the entire 30% of the votes later counted…………. Kerry had not received a single vote. In other words out of some 420,000 votes no one, not one person,, had chosen to vote for Kerry! And almost 400,000 had voted for bush”
Voting Machines Count Backwards in Okla.
http://okimc.org/newswire.php?story_id=344&print_page=true
Alan,
I looked into this some more and here is the answer. Restrict your sample to only those counties that Bush lost to Gore in 2000. This is where the action in the Hout model is. Regress b_change on etouch if for example b00pc is less than some number. For example I ran the following command in Stata, “regress b_change etouch if b00pc<=.4” on the data from Hout’s website and the results suggest a 4% difference in e-touch counties as compared to non e-touch counties. That is pretty strong. If you set the limit at .5, the difference is 2%. Under the scenario suggested here, some evil plotter only conspired to rig things in the counties that Bush lost last time around. In the others they let it ride. This is a simple story as you had tested and is completely consistent with the data.
Alan,
I don’t mean to nitpick, but I know how careful Mike Hout is and so I just read the report and your comment and there is something important to say. Your analysis makes sense and it is what I would have done to begin, but the Hout piece is much more subtle and cannot be ignored on the basis of your findings.
The key thing to note is the interaction term of Bush2000% with e-voting makes the thing complicated to interpret even if it is statistically superior. Perhaps it would be better to argue that they could have addressed the lack of evidence in the more simple specification and motivated their discussion better.
On non-linearity; just looking at the scatterplot shows no direct sign that there should be a non-linearity, but the model comes up significant with the quadratic and this suggests that the eye lies. There is curvature in the given specification and there must be good reason for them to include it. I assume they keep a quadratic on the interaction to complement the non e-voting curve.
The Hout model is complicated and it is troubling that your direct examination fails to provide a smoking gun but it strikes me as unfair to dismiss the findings with the argument you make. For example, you don’t pull the killer move by claiming that you reproduced the model and they were wrong by committing some obvious error. This is a good and defendable model as far as I can tell.
If your regression with its simple story were to come up significant, I am sure we would have had a recount of some kind by now, but there is still a story in the Hout model. It is just a typical Michael Hout story that requires several hours of serious head scratching to fully take in.
Solon Simmons
Thank you for the analysis. But still the fact that this sort of analysis is a necessary part of ascertaining whether the election results are accurate or not is absolutely crazy. What happens when there are no paper ballots to measure e-voting results against? Is America about to become the world’s first faith-based democracy? (ie. faith in the Ahmanson brothers)
Compare e-voting in Canberra, Australia: open source coding and paper receipts to check and then drop into a ballot box for possible recounts. Simple. Logical. Verifiable.
When so many in the US fight against such a system you can’t but help ask why.
This non-American hasn’t yet heard any good answers.
The interesting question about this is why did Kerry not substantially improve his showing versus Gore’s showing in the primarily Dem counties that mostly used e-voting, while Bush increased his margins by about 5%, or so, in many other counties in Florida. Dems need to understand why they were unable to make more inroads into these groups, which you would think would be Seniors, Hispanics, and Jewish voters to name a couple of groups.
It is good that this website finally addresses the issue of Votergate 2004, albeit only to pooh pooh it. It would be good to try to confront the evidence in greater particularity — it seems basically like a mere assertion of conclusions.
I personally do NOT consider the Berkeley study the cutting edge on the issue — a study, including the Coleman study that was used as the “basis” (face-saving rationale) for Brown v. Board can always be challenged (“refuted”, when the media, as in the NY Times front page article of Nov 12, has the agenda to so assume). But the quickness with which efforts are made to REFUTE the theory of voter fraud here WITHOUT addressing the serious powerful allegations about the systematic deprivation of adequate voting machines, the hacking theory in Fla, which canNOT be dismissed as mere “Dixiecrat” counties, (and the problem that these counties, as comparisons, might be tainted data) and of course the exit polls are avoided here as in the press. I think that one of the reasons for the “civility” regarding the “New Democrats” is that the situation is so much broader than a ‘new’ v ‘old’ Democrat issue — with a general media lockdown of Votergate 2004 following the less remarked-on lockdown on timely debunking by commentators of the flipflop spin and the Matt Bai terrorism distortion (not to be confused with his justifying of the lying on Ohio) showing that the problem is the whole machine, not just the New Democrats. Yet I am one UNCIVIL Democrat who sees the New Democrats, ALONG WITH A LOT OF OTHERS, as very much a part of the problem.
I don’t (lacking the data) dispute the conclusion, but I do dispute the focus EXCLUSIVELY on debunking the fraud issues rather than addressing all of them FULLY. This is what points in the direction of the function of the “New” Democrats, and many others, within the system.
actually, its my understanding that the Berkeley study agrees with your findings — when considering all 15 e-voting counties they don’t find any bias. Only when you just compare just the 6 democratic counties with e-voting did they see it. And the bulk of that bias comes the 2 or 3 largest of those counties. And so the most cogent criticism of the study for me is that are many reasons those 2 or 3 democratic counties might have moved towards bush — burying this fact in a complicated statistical analysis isn’t very helpful.
Thank you for doing this. The steps in the analysis you did (checking whether there was an effect, comparing 2004 graphically with 2000, directly testing the e-voting effect) sound straight forward and simple. This may be a case in which less is more (e.g., avoiding the fancy but questionable quadratic term). What is sad is that the Hout’s analyses distracts from the better substantiated and widespread reports of voter suppression in Ohio and elsewhere, such as the failure to properly allocate the voting machines to inner-city minority districts.
“It’s called bait and switch…”
We’ve been hoodwinked.
How to steal an election (plan 12-b):
1. Get opposition worked up about the dangers of voting method A.
2. Rig devices involved in voting method B.
3. As opposition is looking closely at method A, use method B, which the opposition agrees is safe to secure the election.
4. Leave opposition wonder what happened.
We need to watch all their hands.