Joe Biden is continuing his snail-like progress toward a dead heat with Donald Trump in polling this week. The RealClearPolitics polling averages for a national head-to-head contest between the two presidents now show Trump up by a mere 0.2 percent (45.5 to 45.3 percent), his smallest lead in these averages dating back to last October. If you took a very outlierish Rasmussen Poll giving Trump an eight-point lead out of the equation, Biden would actually be ahead. As it is, he leads Trump in the most recent surveys by Reuters-Ipsos, I&I-TIPP, Data for Progress, NPR-PBS-Marist, and Quinnipiac, a pretty impressive collection of pollsters (all but I&I-TIPP are in the top-25 outfits, according to FiveThirtyEight’s ratings).
Trump is maintaining a slightly larger lead (1.9 percent) in the national five-way polls that include Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Cornel West, and Jill Stein, per RCP’s averages. RFK Jr. holds 10 percent of the 13.2 percent going to non-major-party candidates. So the larger field continues to help Trump and hurt Biden, albeit marginally.
Battleground-state polling has been sparse in recent weeks; the last public polls in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, and Wisconsin were from a March 24 Wall Street Journal survey. So Trump maintains his relatively robust leads in all those states. New polling in North Carolina (from High Point University and Quinnipiac) shows Trump’s lead in that state shrinking slightly to 4 percent. And fresh data from Pennsylvania via Franklin & Marshall has given Biden a slight (0.1 percent) lead in that state in the RCP averages. The trends for Biden overall are positive, albeit very slightly and slowly so.
In terms of where the numbers might go as we approach November, there are some even more positive sights for the incumbent. A fascinating new national survey from NORC published by FiveThirtyEight looked at how demonstrated propensity to vote affected presidential-candidate preferences, and the findings are potentially significant:
“When we broke out respondents by their voting history, we found dramatic differences in whom they support for president in 2024. President Joe Biden performed much better among frequent voters, while Trump had a large lead among people who haven’t voted recently. Specifically, among respondents who voted in the 2018, 2020 and 2022 general elections, Biden outpaced Trump 50 percent to 39 percent. But among respondents who were old enough to vote but voted in none of those three elections, Trump crushed Biden 44 percent to 26 percent.”
This survey reinforces evidence elsewhere that the traditional Democratic reliance on “marginal voters” has ended, and that now it’s Republicans who need an unusually high-turnout election to get Trump’s supporters to the polls. In the short term, this could mean that when pollsters begin to shift from registered-voter to likely-voter samples, Biden will probably get a boost (the sort of boost Republican candidates used to count on) in the comparative numbers. Whether that carries over to the actual results in November may depend on overall turnout levels, with Democrats holding an unusual advantage among the voters most likely to show up at the polls.
There are, of course, many other factors that will influence the direction of this contest, including the strength, wealth, and wisdom of the campaigns and of the national and state parties supporting them. But one thing to watch is whether the Kennedy candidacy, which is marginally hurting Biden right now, gets onto the ballot in all or most of the battleground states. At present, Kennedy’s campaign claims it has enough signatures to gain ballot access in Arizona, Georgia, and Michigan, and it’s in a dispute with Nevada over an early deadline for identifying a vice-presidential candidate that it missed, which may land in court. If Kennedy does gain the ballot access he needs, the big question will be whether his conspiracy-theory-drenched appeal has the sort of staying power that non-major-party candidates usually lack. If he fades, it will likely benefit Biden.
Real-world developments outside the campaign trail could matter as well. Team Biden has to worry about signs of renewed inflation. And all of Trump’s efforts to avoid a preelection criminal trial appear to have failed, at least in New York.
For now, this contest seems to be back to square one: very close and subject to a lot of cross-currents and events we can’t really predict.
Rasmussen’s Bush lead has shrunk to 1%.
I’ve got the internals on the latest Gallup/CNN/USAT poll over on my site, and I have sent them to Ruy as well. Yes, Gallup resumed a 2-4% GOP advantage in their samples, and Kerry still made up ground on Bush.
you would think that Gallup, given the controversy about party breakdown, would have mentioned that in the poll, given that it had several pages of information on the web. It would only take two extra lines of type, eh?
And what IS all this about Bush wearing a wire at the first debate (not that it’s likely to influence the election. Now, if he’d WON it … . Maybe he was making faces at what he heard over the wire. As a credential venue tappee, I can sympathize, but not with Bush overall.
This is one of the very best articles I have read yet on the
overall situation in Iraq under US occupation:
http://www.opendemocracy.net/debates/article-2-114-2143.jsp
This short blurb is interesting regarding the possibility of a
draft. Especially note the poll suggesting that by a 51% to 31%
margin, the military personnel polled in Iraq do not expect to re-
enlist when their duty is up.
http://www.tcf.org/Publications/InternationalAffairs
Although I suspect that further debate on Iraq between the candidates will be less of a central focus as the economy and deficit (and Republiquenne protestations about ‘taxes on the middle class’ when their policies cause state and local taxes to eat up most middle class taxpayers’ tax cuts over time) come into central focus, the DRAFT issue will be very big for certain segments of the population. ONE JAB about high unemployment making military recruitment easier might really make Bush get all peeved up in the third debate …..[Just a thought]
The best I can remember, Gallup only uses LVs in regards to USA today so this poll should be consistent with other USA Today polls. Still waiting for a more exact methodology on this.
Just to note, I am fairly sure that Gallup only provides LV numbers in USA today, so this poll is consistent with their other polls.
Still waiting for a more detailed methodology though.
Does anyone know the DEM/REP breakdown in Gallup’s sample? I couldn’t find this information on the Gallup website. This would be really great news if this poll oversampled Republicans like previous Gallup polls.
Is the weighting still biased towards the GOP in this poll? If so, that’s very good news for Kerry to be ahead.
What were the internals? Have they stopped oversampling Reublicans? It is hard to trust their work after the early September fiascos.
Has Gallup changed its methodology at all? Are they still over-sampling republicans?
Does anyone know the D/R/I breakdown in this poll?
What’s the partisan breakdown? Has Gallup made its sample more balanced or is it still oversampling Republicans?
Any internals on that bad boy?