I was sorry to learn of the sudden death of 2000 Democratic vice presidential nominee Joe Lieberman. But his long and stormy career did offer some important lessons about party loyalty, which I wrote about at New York:
Joe Lieberman was active in politics right up to the end. The former senator was the founding co-chair of the nonpartisan group No Labels, which is laying the groundwork for a presidential campaign on behalf of a yet-to-be-identified bipartisan “unity ticket.” Lieberman did not live to see whether No Labels will run a candidate. He died on Wednesday at 82 due to complications from a fall. But this last political venture was entirely in keeping with his long career as a self-styled politician of the pragmatic center, which often took him across party boundaries.
Lieberman’s first years in Connecticut Democratic politics as a state legislator and then state attorney general were reasonably conventional. He was known for a particular interest in civil rights and environmental protection, and his identity as an observant Orthodox Jew also drew attention. But in 1988, the Democrat used unconventional tactics in his challenge to Republican U.S. senator Lowell Weicker. Lieberman positioned himself to the incumbent’s right on selected issues, like Ronald Reagan’s military operations against Libya and Grenada. He also capitalized on longtime conservative resentment of his moderate opponent, winning prized endorsements from William F. and James Buckley, icons of the right. Lieberman won the race narrowly in an upset.
Almost immediately, Senator Lieberman became closely associated with the Democratic Leadership Council. The group of mostly moderate elected officials focused on restoring the national political viability of a party that had lost five of the six previous presidential elections; it soon produced a president in Bill Clinton. Lieberman became probably the most systematically pro-Clinton (or in the parlance of the time, “New Democrat”) member of Congress. This gave his 1998 Senate speech condemning the then-president’s behavior in the Monica Lewinsky scandal as “immoral” and “harmful” a special bite. He probably did Clinton a favor by setting the table for a reprimand that fell short of impeachment and removal, but without question, the narrative was born of Lieberman being disloyal to his party.
Perhaps it was his public scolding of Clinton that convinced Al Gore, who was struggling to separate himself from his boss’s misconduct, to lift Lieberman to the summit of his career. Gore tapped the senator to be his running mate in the 2000 election, making him the first Jewish vice-presidential candidate of a major party. He was by all accounts a disciplined and loyal running mate, at least until that moment during the Florida recount saga when he publicly disclaimed interest in challenging late-arriving overseas military ballots against the advice of the Gore campaign. You could argue plausibly that the ticket would have never been in a position to potentially win the state without Lieberman’s appeal in South Florida to Jewish voters thrilled by his nomination to become vice-president. But many Democrats bitter about the loss blamed Lieberman.
As one of the leaders of the “Clintonian” wing of his party, Lieberman was an early front-runner for the 2004 presidential nomination. A longtime supporter of efforts to topple Saddam Hussein, Lieberman had voted to authorize the 2003 invasion of Iraq, like his campaign rivals John Kerry and John Edwards and other notable senators including Hillary Clinton. Unlike most other Democrats, though, Lieberman did not back off this position when the Iraq War became a deadly quagmire. Ill-aligned with his party to an extent he did not seem to perceive, his presidential campaign quickly flamed out, but not before he gained enduring mockery for claiming “Joe-mentum” from a fifth-place finish in New Hampshire.
Returning to the Senate, Lieberman continued his increasingly lonely support for the Iraq War (alongside other heresies to liberalism, such as his support for private-school education vouchers in the District of Columbia). In 2006, Lieberman drew a wealthy primary challenger, Ned Lamont, who soon had a large antiwar following in Connecticut and nationally. As the campaign grew heated, President George W. Bush gave his Democratic war ally a deadly gift by embracing him and kissing his cheek after the State of the Union Address. This moment, memorialized as “The Kiss,” became central to the Lamont campaign’s claim that Lieberman had left his party behind, and the challenger narrowly won the primary. However, Lieberman ran against him in the general election as an independent, with significant back-channel encouragement from the Bush White House (which helped prevent any strong Republican candidacy). Lieberman won a fourth and final term in the Senate with mostly GOP and independent votes. He was publicly endorsed by Newt Gingrich and Rudy Giuliani, among others from what had been the enemy camp.
The 2006 repudiation by his party appeared to break something in Lieberman. This once-happiest of happy political warriors, incapable of holding a grudge, seemed bitter, or at the very least gravely offended, even as he remained in the Senate Democratic Caucus (albeit as formally independent). When his old friend and Iraq War ally John McCain ran for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, Lieberman committed a partisan sin by endorsing him. His positioning between the two parties, however, still cost him dearly: McCain wanted to choose him as his running mate, before the Arizonan’s staff convinced him that Lieberman’s longtime pro-choice views and support for LGBTQ rights would lead to a convention revolt. The GOP nominee instead went with a different “high-risk, high-reward” choice: Sarah Palin.
After Barack Obama’s victory over Lieberman’s candidate, the new Democratic president needed every Democratic senator to enact the centerpiece of his agenda, the Affordable Care Act. He got Lieberman’s vote — but only after the senator, who represented many of the country’s major private-insurance companies, forced the elimination of the “public option” in the new system. It was a bitter pill for many progressives, who favored a more robust government role in health insurance than Obama had proposed.
By the time Lieberman chose to retire from the Senate in 2012, he was very near to being a man without a party, and he reflected that status by refusing to endorse either Obama or Mitt Romney that year. By then, he was already involved in the last great project of his political career, No Labels. He did, with some hesitation, endorse Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump in 2016. But his long odyssey away from the yoke of the Democratic Party had largely landed him in a nonpartisan limbo. Right up until his death, he was often the public face of No Labels, particularly after the group’s decision to sponsor a presidential ticket alienated many early supporters of its more quotidian efforts to encourage bipartisan “problem-solving” in Congress.
Some will view Lieberman as a victim of partisan polarization, and others as an anachronistic member of a pro-corporate, pro-war bipartisan elite who made polarization necessary. Personally, I will remember him as a politician who followed — sometimes courageously, sometimes foolishly — a path that made him blind to the singular extremism that one party has exhibited throughout the 21st century, a development he tried to ignore to his eventual marginalization. But for all his flaws, I have no doubt Joe Lieberman remained until his last breath committed to the task he often cited via the Hebrew term tikkun olam: repairing a broken world.
In response to Alleykat’s question about how much of a bounce Bush will get from Reagan’s death, I don’t know. I suspect that to an even greater degree than they would have anyway they will try to wrap Bush in Reagan’s flag at their convention. I suspect the swing voters are likely to take a detached view towards the ongoing hagiography.
Will we see the following exchange in one of the fall’s Kerry/Bush debates?
Bush: President Ronald Reagan, the greatest American President in American history, understood that we Americans need to stand tall against those who would do us harm as Americans. If we Americans stay the course like Ronald Reagan did, we Americans will prevail.
Kerry: Well, to borrow from the words of another great American, let me tell you something, George. I knew Ronald Reagan. Ronald Reagan was an acquaintance of mine. And let me tell you, George, you’re no Ronald Reagan.
Dear AlleyKat,
Nice of James to try to involve you in his fight, eh? I guess you can tell, he’s a really special guy.
I certainly have no problem with the question you raise. And I think Bush may get some benefit from Reagan’s passing, by reminding some voters of what they liked about Reagan, and also because Bush’s miserable failings will be out of the news for a few days.
On the other hand, it steps on whatever positive coverage Bush may have gotten from D-Day and the international get-togethers this month. The White House hoped that June would be a good month for them because the President would look presidential. Perhaps it will also be occasion to reflect on how conservatism has fallen, from the Great Communicator Reagan to the Incoherent Mumbler Bush.
James, I knew it was you from your first comment. Your writing style and defeatist attitude stood out like a naked man in church. No one has to stalk you to notice those things.
Anyway, I believe that Bush will see a small rise in polls, because of seemingly good economic news and progress in Iraq (new government). However, I don’t think Bush is coasting to easy victory. He is not liked amongst swing voters and independents, and he is weak in several upper southern states. With as many states as tied as they are now (OR, NV, AZ, NM, MO, MN, IA, MI, OH, WV, PA, VA, NC, FL, AR), and Bush’s fortune tied to the force of history, no one can predict this election. So, we wil see an interchange of leads inside the MOE of polls for the next few months.
Oh and Alley, unless you want Ron to stalk you as well and follow you around making things up for his personal gain, you’d better not speculate on Bush’s poll numbers.
By the way, Hank, Ron, which of you is pretending to be this “soup” person? Why are you too cowardly to admit that’s who you are? It’s very suspicious.
Oh there’s my stalker, Ron. How are you? People are one to what exactly? If I’d been trying to hide, why would I have used my name from Kos? Come up with something new, please, because no one is buying it. I don’t know why you’re so obsessed with me.
Hank, the Eeyore comment is generic and forgettable. I guess that is your strong suit?
Roy, did you check long enough to see that the comment which sap posted here was from weeks ago, and had nothing to do with this thread? Please go back and realize that. Don’t let stalkers like Ron or sap lie to you.
Kinda morbid, I know but…
What kind of bounce will Bush get from Reagan’s death? Will it be long-lived?
“All the others have Bush in the lead?” James, the last 4 other polls listed at http://www.pollingreport.com have a tie or a Kerry lead. I would like to think that your statement is merely an error, but I suspect that you do follow politics to some degree, and are thus lying.
People are on to you, James.
Is James none other than James B3, the Eeyore of Daily Kos?
This is only one poll; all the others have Bush in the lead. Given the public’s strong sympathy towards Rumsfeld (70% want him to stay), and the media’s success at lying to people about the economy and blaming the prison abuses all on this England girl, I think that you will see Bush’s support go way up again in the next few months.
Posted by James at May 7, 2004 09:48 PM
One question James. Are you a tool or a fool?
Clark was a very bad campaigner (and had even more confusing positions on abortion than Kerry), and also has a very confusing and muddled Iraq war position. He doesn’t add much to the ticket. He’s definitely no McCain.
Carla, Bush is the media’s god and it’s amazing he’s even behind in polls at this point. I don’t think anything Kerry can do will stop Bush from rebounding in polls. As JC said, it’s all about lowered expectations. The media are bound and determined to make Bush beloved again.
1. Why are these job numbers big news? The numbers are not that great. They “appear” good only when compared with more job losses.
More lowered expectations for Bush.
2. Speaking of numbers, notice that the war dead number had dropped from near 800 to 600. I guess the families of the other 200 don’t matter since the soldiers were apparently not Killed In Action, but nonetheless part of the Iraq invasion/mess.
3. The differing comments above on W. Clark are right. Has lots of positives, and one can only hope he is able to be a better campaigner. He did seem to get much better as the campaign went along. And he seems to deliver on the same points as McCain, without being a fairly conservative GOP, as is the case with McCain.
I think for Kerry to “convey to…voters that he has a plan for successfully concluding the Iraq war and getting those troops back home” would be not bold but craven.
It would–and IMO should–do more to lend credence to the charge he is a poll driven flip flopper with no moral compass than anything he has done in his Senate career and this campaign.
Like many I would prefer a more dynamic Kerry than we’ve seen and that we probably ever will get and have certainly said as much in posts during the primary season. But I respect his integrity. Heck, what do I know–I’ve never even met him. But my gut tells me that Kerry is actually dealing with the issue straightforwardly, responsibly, and from his heart. That’s the person I trust. And that’s the person I want in the Oval Office.
I believe he’s doing just fine on Iraq during this general election campaign, lighting into Bush occasionally for his conduct of the war but not so often and not so caustically as to generate a backlash against himself, offering specific constructive suggestions from time to time, and not allowing himself to be tempted to offer an easy answer on this issue that just doesn’t exist–no matter how much the American public craves one.
FWIW I was against the war and was somewhat disappointed with Kerry’s stance on it prior to the war, although I suspected that a Dem who voted for the resolution would probably be in a better position to win the election than one who opposed it. But we’re there now and I think he’s doing as well as possible with this matter, horrible mess that it is.
So: well-timed boldness? Sure. Yes. But I hope not on this issue, not now anyway.
Kerry does need to connect with swing voters in swing states. However, I question whether he has to do it with some bold plans, foreign or domestic.
As swing voters conclude that they really don’t like George Bush, what will make them decide they they want to vote for John Kerry? I think the answer may lie in some kind of emotional response to a Kerry speech or gesture; or, to the way he handles himself in one or all of the Presidential debates.
Closing the sale for Kerry doesn’t necessarily mean he has to unveil some kind of jim dandy plan for the economy or even Iraq (although that wouldn’t hurt).
To make that emotional connection, a candidate has to be a bit of an actor. Reagan was and so were Clinton and (yes) Bush II. The ability to project emotion to the voters is critical to human connection. Without it the candidate is a disembodied voice that doesn’t hold the attention of the people who want to believe in you.
Remember Mike Dukakis and his failure to show any emotion in response to the CNN anchor’s surprise, hypothetical question on what he would do if his wife were raped and murdered? Dukakis’ lack of emotional intelligence in his response was a turn off to people who don’t think day in and day out about death penalty policy.
Voters want to know whether the candidate has any human juices. Constant focus on issues and public policy to the exclusion of how the candidate reacts viscerally will not close the sale. Exposing one’s humanity will, however, go a long way in getting the voters to make the right decision.
Bush is running ads touting the new job numbers. He will very very soon rebound in polls. The media will make sure this happen, they worship him.
Graham is not going to help. Biden is a misfire. Clark was a terrible campaigner. He needs Edwards. Edwards may be the only thing that will help stop a huge Bush comeback.
And, if Kerry wants to take on Iraq, all he has to do is get a VP who’s handled foreign policy – namely Clark, Graham or Biden.
Clark’s my first choice – he’s honest, is a true patriot and will appeal to swing voters since he was one during the earlier parts of his military career.
I think Clark has given the best answers to solving the problems over there, while still emphasising that a good foreign policy will help our domestic problems at home.
I’m in a Southern swing state (take your pick, there’s only four! LOL!) and I believe Wes could help Kerry pick all four of those up, as well as Ohio and New Mexico.
Graham and Biden also have fantastic FP creds.
Kerry consistantly polls better than Bush on domestic issues, but falls woefully below him – as much as 10 points even after the prison scandal and the 9/11 Commission hearings! It would behoove him to think about his VP selection as more a referenedum on FP than on any particular section of the country.
Uhhh… creating a million new McJobs isn’t going to endear people to the Bush economy.
I make a little more than minimum wage with a college education and it sucks. All the good-paying jobs that went overseas aren’t being replaced by other good-paying jobs, and that’s the rub.
It’s not just unemployment – it’s UNDERemployment.
Ruy, let me just point out that there is no successful way to conclude the Iraq debacle.
Mencken hits the nail on the head, IMO.
The country is craving honest leadership with someone who’s going to lead them in the right direction.
If Kerry is willing to stand up and light the way…people will follow in droves. IMO he needs to do that pretty soon…latest polling looks mediocre.
I’m not sure there’s any such thing as “safe boldness.” but still, I agree that kerry should tread lightly w/ Iraq.
the bigger point, I think, is ruy’s. americans are hungry for a candidate who will inspire them. not with a steady diet of flag-waving, chest-thumping jingoism, but by reinvigorating our sense of national purpose—that this nation is a model of justice and equity. which it definitely hasn’t been of late.
and while I’m not a big kerry fan, kerry, to his credit, is inching toward that. I too am worried that he won’t move quickly or decisively enough. already the queries of “can kerry connect?” are being revived in the press.
I never thought kerry was a flip-flopper, just too calculating. maybe that’s just part of who he is. and maybe those are the right qualities for a successful president. but such caution may well be antithetical to a winning campaign.
the next 2 months should be interesting.
Boldness is well and good and could help Kerry begin to shed his Bush/Cheney-reinforced image as an “equivocator.” However . . . I’m not sure that Iraq is the issue on which he should flex his boldness bona fides. It is, potentially, an enormous trap for him; you can be sure that the Bush people are just waiting for him to say something about it that can be turned around into a “weak on national security and terrorism” smear — preferably a sound bite suitable for a 30-second ad. On the other hand, there’s a lot of room for relatively safe boldness on the economy, jobs, economic inequality, health care, and the need for better homeland security. So far, Kerry has worked these areas to his advantage, while remaining cautious on the ever-shifting Iraq issue. There may well be room to take bolder, more imaginative positions on the former set of concerns, but he’s probably wise not to put his hands too firmly on the Iraq tar baby.
I don’t agree. Studies show people make up their minds on the economy six months before the election. So it’s probably too late. Also, two months of wage growth after three-plus years in office isn’t going to sway too many people.
Based on the new jobs numbers, that’s going to start swinging the other way ina bout 3 months or so, not only did they add 1 million jobs in 3 months, but wage grow went up for 2nd straight month.