I was sorry to learn of the sudden death of 2000 Democratic vice presidential nominee Joe Lieberman. But his long and stormy career did offer some important lessons about party loyalty, which I wrote about at New York:
Joe Lieberman was active in politics right up to the end. The former senator was the founding co-chair of the nonpartisan group No Labels, which is laying the groundwork for a presidential campaign on behalf of a yet-to-be-identified bipartisan “unity ticket.” Lieberman did not live to see whether No Labels will run a candidate. He died on Wednesday at 82 due to complications from a fall. But this last political venture was entirely in keeping with his long career as a self-styled politician of the pragmatic center, which often took him across party boundaries.
Lieberman’s first years in Connecticut Democratic politics as a state legislator and then state attorney general were reasonably conventional. He was known for a particular interest in civil rights and environmental protection, and his identity as an observant Orthodox Jew also drew attention. But in 1988, the Democrat used unconventional tactics in his challenge to Republican U.S. senator Lowell Weicker. Lieberman positioned himself to the incumbent’s right on selected issues, like Ronald Reagan’s military operations against Libya and Grenada. He also capitalized on longtime conservative resentment of his moderate opponent, winning prized endorsements from William F. and James Buckley, icons of the right. Lieberman won the race narrowly in an upset.
Almost immediately, Senator Lieberman became closely associated with the Democratic Leadership Council. The group of mostly moderate elected officials focused on restoring the national political viability of a party that had lost five of the six previous presidential elections; it soon produced a president in Bill Clinton. Lieberman became probably the most systematically pro-Clinton (or in the parlance of the time, “New Democrat”) member of Congress. This gave his 1998 Senate speech condemning the then-president’s behavior in the Monica Lewinsky scandal as “immoral” and “harmful” a special bite. He probably did Clinton a favor by setting the table for a reprimand that fell short of impeachment and removal, but without question, the narrative was born of Lieberman being disloyal to his party.
Perhaps it was his public scolding of Clinton that convinced Al Gore, who was struggling to separate himself from his boss’s misconduct, to lift Lieberman to the summit of his career. Gore tapped the senator to be his running mate in the 2000 election, making him the first Jewish vice-presidential candidate of a major party. He was by all accounts a disciplined and loyal running mate, at least until that moment during the Florida recount saga when he publicly disclaimed interest in challenging late-arriving overseas military ballots against the advice of the Gore campaign. You could argue plausibly that the ticket would have never been in a position to potentially win the state without Lieberman’s appeal in South Florida to Jewish voters thrilled by his nomination to become vice-president. But many Democrats bitter about the loss blamed Lieberman.
As one of the leaders of the “Clintonian” wing of his party, Lieberman was an early front-runner for the 2004 presidential nomination. A longtime supporter of efforts to topple Saddam Hussein, Lieberman had voted to authorize the 2003 invasion of Iraq, like his campaign rivals John Kerry and John Edwards and other notable senators including Hillary Clinton. Unlike most other Democrats, though, Lieberman did not back off this position when the Iraq War became a deadly quagmire. Ill-aligned with his party to an extent he did not seem to perceive, his presidential campaign quickly flamed out, but not before he gained enduring mockery for claiming “Joe-mentum” from a fifth-place finish in New Hampshire.
Returning to the Senate, Lieberman continued his increasingly lonely support for the Iraq War (alongside other heresies to liberalism, such as his support for private-school education vouchers in the District of Columbia). In 2006, Lieberman drew a wealthy primary challenger, Ned Lamont, who soon had a large antiwar following in Connecticut and nationally. As the campaign grew heated, President George W. Bush gave his Democratic war ally a deadly gift by embracing him and kissing his cheek after the State of the Union Address. This moment, memorialized as “The Kiss,” became central to the Lamont campaign’s claim that Lieberman had left his party behind, and the challenger narrowly won the primary. However, Lieberman ran against him in the general election as an independent, with significant back-channel encouragement from the Bush White House (which helped prevent any strong Republican candidacy). Lieberman won a fourth and final term in the Senate with mostly GOP and independent votes. He was publicly endorsed by Newt Gingrich and Rudy Giuliani, among others from what had been the enemy camp.
The 2006 repudiation by his party appeared to break something in Lieberman. This once-happiest of happy political warriors, incapable of holding a grudge, seemed bitter, or at the very least gravely offended, even as he remained in the Senate Democratic Caucus (albeit as formally independent). When his old friend and Iraq War ally John McCain ran for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, Lieberman committed a partisan sin by endorsing him. His positioning between the two parties, however, still cost him dearly: McCain wanted to choose him as his running mate, before the Arizonan’s staff convinced him that Lieberman’s longtime pro-choice views and support for LGBTQ rights would lead to a convention revolt. The GOP nominee instead went with a different “high-risk, high-reward” choice: Sarah Palin.
After Barack Obama’s victory over Lieberman’s candidate, the new Democratic president needed every Democratic senator to enact the centerpiece of his agenda, the Affordable Care Act. He got Lieberman’s vote — but only after the senator, who represented many of the country’s major private-insurance companies, forced the elimination of the “public option” in the new system. It was a bitter pill for many progressives, who favored a more robust government role in health insurance than Obama had proposed.
By the time Lieberman chose to retire from the Senate in 2012, he was very near to being a man without a party, and he reflected that status by refusing to endorse either Obama or Mitt Romney that year. By then, he was already involved in the last great project of his political career, No Labels. He did, with some hesitation, endorse Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump in 2016. But his long odyssey away from the yoke of the Democratic Party had largely landed him in a nonpartisan limbo. Right up until his death, he was often the public face of No Labels, particularly after the group’s decision to sponsor a presidential ticket alienated many early supporters of its more quotidian efforts to encourage bipartisan “problem-solving” in Congress.
Some will view Lieberman as a victim of partisan polarization, and others as an anachronistic member of a pro-corporate, pro-war bipartisan elite who made polarization necessary. Personally, I will remember him as a politician who followed — sometimes courageously, sometimes foolishly — a path that made him blind to the singular extremism that one party has exhibited throughout the 21st century, a development he tried to ignore to his eventual marginalization. But for all his flaws, I have no doubt Joe Lieberman remained until his last breath committed to the task he often cited via the Hebrew term tikkun olam: repairing a broken world.
I think that people should be more open minded. Yes, I know that it is against the Bible and everything, but if they are going to be together anyways then why can they not get married? I, myself, am straight but have many gay friends. I don’t think that it is fair for people to judge gay people based on their sexuality. In Arkansas it is legal for you to marry your 2nd cousin. Now if that is not messed up I don’t know what is. Everyone wants to be with who makes them happy, I think gay marriage should be legalized.
For a one-sentence answer (what James is suggesting above), how about something along the lines of, “As long as gays and lesbians are good citizens and pay their taxes like everyone else, shouldn’t they enjoy the same civil protections like everyone else?” It’s essentially a ‘conservative’ argument, emphasizing the libertarian attitude of keeping government interference in personal life at a minimum. Yet also alludes to the civil rights campaign. I personally think there are stronger moral arguments to be made, but this seems like a strong political argument.
Checked with the wife, now that the dust has settled. Still happy with the marriage. Guess gay marriage isn’t really that big a threat.
I was worried.
I think its very simple, the reason why this issue hasn’t resonated with the public. Because what the Rethugs are doing is recreating the dynamics that existed during Impeachment, which most agree hurt them more than the democrats politically.
What I mean by this is during the Impeachment of Bill Clinton, most Americans disapproved of his actions. However, they saw the Republican response as too extreme. Censure Clinton, reprimand him. BUT, do not impeach him. However, the Republicans DID impeach him. Why?
Because two-thirds of their base strongly supported the impeachment, whereas two-thirds of the public-at-large did not. So the GOP were caught between a rock and hard place. If they didn’t impeach Clinton, they would alienate their base. If they did, they’d alienate everyone else.
The gay marriage issue works much the same way. Most people oppose the idea of gay marriage, but they think the Republican response – of a constitutional ammendment banning it – as too extreme. The constitution is there to provide protection for citizens, not banning them from doing things. But the issue, once again, puts the GOP in a catch-22. Their base of ideologues and dittoheads want the ban. The larger population doesn’t. Therefore, we’re right back where we started with impeachment.
I agree. This issue is wrought with danger for the republicans, not democrats. Bush can come out and say “he supports a constitutional ammendment” and leave it at that. A rhetorical commitment. But if the issue blows up, then his base will make him do more. If he does more, he’ll alienate middle-class and swing voters. If he doesn’t then he’ll alienate his base.
As for Democrats, all we have to do is:
a) say that we don’t support gay marriage.
b) say that we don’t support the constitutional ammendment.
Easy peasy.
Sorry. My happiness was premature. How certain is it that the Mass House will not repeal? I do not live in Mass, but I would love to do something to help convince them to repeal that law and any others that are discriminatory. Are there any states whose laws still ban inter-racial marriage? If so, that fact could be used to show the discriminatory nature of the Mass law and how it had wider effects than just prohibiting gay marriage.
You’re right, Matt. If anything the intraparty fighting over the law that is bound to happen in the House may only strengthen Mitt’s position and help Republicans in the fall. If people think that gays are only getting married because they want to throw out the laws in their own state then there may be a backlash.
I did want to mention that any of you who live in places like Wisconsin or Michigan or Ohio, to please research these amendments and tell as many people as you can about the true ramifications of them if they are passed. So many polls have people approving, say, the Wisconsin amendment and yet favoring civil unions. Too bad the Wisconsin amendment bans everything for gay couples, even far less than civil unions. Voters who are not totally anti-gay should know that they are supporting hateful legislation. Many just hear “marriage ban” and that’s all they see.
BTW, Arkansas anti-gay activists are now trying to get enough signatures on the ballot for an amendment, so beware of that.
The Massachusetts legislature did not repeal the law. That was the vote in the Senate; the House will probably not support the repeal, certainly not sufficiently to overcome Romney’s veto.
And this just in. Mass. legislature repeals the 1913 law by a vote of 28-3. Got that from another blog. So, IN YOUR FACE MITT ROMNEY! Woo-hoo! If that isn’t a shot across the bow I don’t know what is. Swift and efficient. I’m liking it. Of course, he could argue in court that marriages that took place before the repeal are still null, but the courts could easily tell him the issue is moot if he tries to prosecute any of them or have them so declared. Or the legislature could grandfather those marriages in with new legislation. I wonder if he would risk another such obvious kick in the pants. That sort of thing doesn’t make one look good.
I can’t help wondering how the black pastors who are so opposed to any homosexuality at all feel about these laws being enforced. The legislature is fighting over whether to repeal the law, I hope that doesn’t hurt Democrats or same-sex marriage too much in that state.
As for Kerry’s position, he needs to come up with a short, concise answer. He has struggled with this (to put it mildly) and that will haunt him in debates. All you have to say is, “I think the states should decide the issue.” Not, “I think we are all human beings and I approve of marriage between a man and a woman but have attended non-legal ceremonies for homosexual couples.”
The 1913 law was a Jim Crow law, of course. It says that no marriage is valid in Massachusetts if contracted between citizens of another state who couldn’t marry legally in their home state. It was aimed at inter-racial couples who couldn’t marry in the South due to anti-miscegenation laws. It’s just a quirk that it was never declared unconstitutional.
Maybe they’re afraid that gay marriage will destroy marriages because their wives will divorce them and marry other women?
My wife says our marriage is doing just fine. I made a point of asking.
Oh, and I’m 46, darling. Give credit to us older fellers too.
The pictures remind one of Will and Grace. Queer Eye is wildly popular. Trust me folks, the more hysterical the right becomes, the more they will alienate the moderate Republicans. Mit Romney is fighting a rearguard action in Mass, saying he’ll examine all licenses to make sure that only Mass gays were married, in accordance with a 1913 law. He’d better be careful before he finds his retro thinking comes back to bite him in his Mass.
I do think that the pictures of the gay couples getting married has done a good job in making gay marriage seem innocuous to most Americans.
The pictures bring to mind Will and Grace rather than Sodom and Gommorrah.
I think gay marriage will become less taboo as a) it starts happening and people realize that their own marriages are not breaking up as a result (in Vermont, there was an uproar when the civil unions bill was first passed, but by now most people have accepted it and moved on), and b) my generation gets older and becomes more influential. Even some of the radical right Republicans on my campus think the Republican Party goes too far with its anti-gay platform, and polls have shown that people under 30 are far more likely to support gay marriage than other age groups.
If this issue pops up during the presidential TV debates, I hope Kerry defends his position using essentially conservative/libertarian arguments. There is no need to have the federal government force the Christian Right’s definition of marriage upon every state from Utah to Vermont. He could also question the wisdom of amending the Constitution for a comparatively trivial purpose such as this.
More than anything, he should stress the importance of TOLERANCE. He could say he personally regards marriage as a heterosexual union, but that he is willing to let each state define marriage as it wants.
If “Shrub” tries to pander to his Christian base by preaching thinly veiled homophobia, I think even more moderates/independents will abandon him.
MARCU$
Somewhat concerning is that the support for the FMA (Hate Amendment) is the same as it was several months ago. This was in early May. After Abu Ghraib (which some in the media seemed obsessed with blaming on gays), and the media circus in Massachusetts, the FMA should increase in popularity, at least for a while.
The problem for fundies is that they have yet to be able to give any example of exactly how same-sex marriage will seriously ruin anyone’s life. Instead they talk about 5,000 years of history, “marriage certificates are now death certificates!”, “I have been married for 48 years but now that relationship is shaky and damaged because it is just a piece of paper!!” and other foolishness. Many oppose same-sex marriage, particularly if they are highly religious and pro-life, but they are not motivated to make serious noise about this. That may change of course, particularly as election day nears. The general support and the independent support for the amendment concerns me. So does the likelihood of a vote this summer or in September. I do wonder what the overall public response to what’s happening in Massachusetts will be. So far, the chaos in Iraq has drowned much of that out. Indeed, if I could ever be “grateful” to our horrific blunders in Iraq, it would be that they have, for now at least, overshadowed what was supposed to be such a huge issue for the GOP.
I’m happy that the Lawrence vs. Texas backlash is dying down, but the state constitutional amendments are the serious concern. They have passed in Louisiana, Missouri (for non-swing states – Utah, Mississippi, Kentucky, Georgia), and may be on the ballot in North Carolina, Michigan, Oregon, Ohio. All swing states or possible swing states and all designed to turn out every lunatic voter who might otherwise stay home. This was the real purpose of the FMA (that and to help get Republicans more power in Massachusetts, which could still very well happen). To help individual turnout in each major state at a time when Bush will need every single vote he can get.
The bottom line for me is public opinion on the amendment is still being formed and can be easily manipulated one way or the other. I’m really terrified about what they will do over the next few months to try to get this passed or to try to get more people to vocally support it. And the state constitutional amendments are a serious problem. They could tip this November in the GOP’s hands.
If you want to help fight this evil scheme, these groups and sites will help. PLEASE visit them.
http://www.loveisloveis.com
http://www.equalitync.org
http://www.tri.org
http://www.lagpac.org/
http://www.ohioansforgrowth.org/
http://www.promoonline.org
http://www.massequality.com
http://www.basicrights.org
http://www.ngltf.org